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Variation and change in the formal marking of Khotanese I Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Alessandro Del Tomba
In Khotanese, masculine nominals of the a-declension tend to lose the formal distinction between nominative singular -ä and genitive-dative singular -i. Likewise, the diphthongs ei and ai interchange freely in post-archaic Old Khotanese not only within but also at the end of a word, thus eliminating the distinction between nominative singular -ei and genitive-dative singular -ai of the secondary aa-declension
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A note on Greek ἰκμάς Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Tore Rovs Kristoffersen
The Greek word ἰκμάς ‘moisture’ and its derivatives reflect a PIE root usually reconstructed as either *sei̯kʷ‑ or *sei̯k‑. After a survey of the comparanda, it is concluded that only the Greek form points to *sei̯k-, while reflexes in other branches, particularly Germanic, explicitly require *sei̯kʷ‑. A solution to this problem is then suggested in the form of a new Greek sound law *Kʷm > Km. The
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Artemis Orthia Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Sommer Sommer
Zusammenfassung The goddess Orthia, whose name is attested by different variants in inscriptions mainly at her sanctuary at Sparta, and who was at some point identified with Artemis, is the subject of an ongoing debate in various fields of ancient studies. As the textual mythology of the goddess is meagre, the etymology of this theonym is of primary importance in bringing to light possible mythological
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Une innovation divine Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Alcorac Alonso Déniz
The oaths mentioned in half-dozen Hellenistic treaties of Doric cities (Messene, Rhodes, Cos, Eleutherna and Lyttos) attest to Ποτειδᾶ or Ποσειδᾶ, accusative of Doric Ποτειδάν/Ποσειδάν = Attic Ποσειδῶν. In an oath of the Megarian peddler in Aristophanes’ Acharnians (line 798), some manuscripts also exhibit Ποτειδᾶ or Ποτῑδᾶ. The accusative ending -ᾶ cannot be accounted for either as the remains of
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Altisländisch vatr neben vatn, färöisch vatur neben vatn ‚Wasser‘ Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Robert Nedoma
Zusammenfassung In the PIE heteroclitic neuter noun *u̯ód-r̥, gen. **u̯éd-n̥-s ‚water‘, the Germanic languages eliminated the alternation in favour of either r- or n-stem variants (cp. OHG waz(z)ar vs. Goth. wato). Little attention has been paid to a doublet in West Norse that resulted from a paradigm split. Instead of regular vatn two (or three) eleventh- and twelfth-century Icelandic skalds used
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Sobre el origen de la escansión larga de la sílaba reduplicada de ἵημι Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 José Miguel Jiménez Delgado
The reduplicated present ἵημι exhibits an alternating scansion of the reduplication syllable. The iota tends to be long in Attic but short in Homer and in other dialects. Martin Peters explained the long iota as the result of a compensatory lengthening after the loss of laryngeals, i.e. *Hi-Hi̯eh₁- > hīēmi. The short variant would have appeared by analogy with other reduplicated presents such as δίδωμι
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The mixed aorist subjunctive in Classical Armenian Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Petr Kocharov
The paper is dedicated to the pattern of voice marking found in the aorist subjunctive of Classical Armenian that combines the mediopassive ending of the 1st person singular with active and labile endings in the remaining forms of the paradigm. The pattern forms a stable inflectional type in verbs with the i-stem aorist but is also marginally attested in other verbal classes. The goal of the present
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The Luwic inflection of proper names, the Hittite dative-locative of i- and iia̯ -stems, and the Proto-Anatolian allative Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Stefan Norbruis
The article establishes the inflection of proper names in Luwian and Lycian, which differs from appellative inflection in all oblique cases. It is argued that the locative, genitive and ablative were reshaped after the pattern of the ā-stems, which were the most frequent type in names. The characteristic dative *-Vi̯o, however, was generalised from the i-stems, whose type had become restricted to names
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Interlocked life cycles of counterfactual mood forms from Archaic to Classical Greek Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Ezra la Roi
Based on a corpus study of 2074 occurrences in Archaic (424) and Classical (1650) Greek, I offer a unified explanation for the temporal reference extensions of counterfactual mood forms in declarative, interrogative, wish and de-activated illocutions (i.e. subordinate clauses). I propose a diachronic trajectory (life cycle) for counterfactual mood forms from past to present and future reference. Extensions
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Take up your arms Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Isabelle de Meyer
This article investigates the etymology of four Latin lexemes starting with /arm-/: arma, armus, armilla and armenta. It examines whether they are men- or mo-derivatives of the root commonly reconstructed as *h₂er- ‘to join’. The combination of an in-depth analysis of 1) the use of armenta in Latin, and ἀραρίσκω and ἁρμόζω in Greek, and 2) similar stems in other IE languages, particularly Vedic īrmá-
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Greek τηλεκλυτός ‘far-famed’ and its Welsh comparanda Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Alexander Falileyev
The paper examines a possible Welsh cognate of Greek τηλεκλυτός ‘farfamed’, the rare Middle Welsh pellglot, and analyses it and its alleged Greek congener within the framework of Indo-European poetic language studies. It pays considerable attention to the conventions of medieval Welsh versification that (with other factors considered) may undermine the dating of the reconstructed compound underlying
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Luwian Tarhunaza-, Cilician Τροκοναζας, Τρικοναζας Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Ignasi-Xavier Adiego
In this article the Luwian name Tarhunaza- and the Luwic names Τροκοναζας, Τρικοναζας attested in Cilicia are analyzed as imperative Satznamen containing a vocative form Tarhun- followed by the imperative of the verb aza- ‘to love’. This analysis leads to the reinterpretation of other Luwic names as possible Satznamen containing divine invocations.
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Hermes Ἀργεϊφόντης and Agni bhā́r̥jīka Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Laura Massetti
The paper concerns Ἀργεϊφόντης, an epithet of Hermes in Greek hexameter poetry. I propose that the form is ultimately to be interpreted as a Kunstform, i.e. a metrical adaptation of *ἀργεϊφάων, the univerbation of *ἄργεϊ φάων ‘shining in white (light)’, as first proposed by Koller (1976). Furthermore, I identify Vedic bhā́r̥jīka‑ (RV), an epithet of Agni, as a phraseological match for the Greek appellative
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Alternative etymologies for two British Celtic verbal forms Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Bernhard Bauer
This paper addresses the issues arising from the unexpected /x/ in the two British Celtic verbal forms: MW techaf ‘to retreat, flee’, MBret. techet ‘to flee’, and OW diguormechis ‘which he added’, OBret. degurmehim ‘adding/addition’. As will be shown in the discussion below, there is no need for assuming influence from the s-subjunctive nor the existence of an otherwise unattested secondary verb. It
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Linguistic evidence for Kuṣāṇa trade routes Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Niels Schoubben
Late Sanskrit lardayati ‘to load’ is probably not inherited from a PIE root *lerd-, as has recently been argued by Kaczyńska (2020), but can be explained as a denominative of *larda- ‘load, cargo’. This noun *larda- could be a borrowing from Bactrian *λιρτο /lirtə/ ‘load, cargo’ < Old Iranian *dr̥šta-. This etymology fits well with the fact that lardayati is phrased together with sthora- ‘pack-animal’
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The root of all gluttony Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2022-10-04 Roberto Batisti
The etymological analysis of Attic Greek τένθης ‘gourmand, glutton’ (Ar.+) has focused since Antiquity on comparison with the obscure Hesiodic hapax τένδει (Op. 524). Rejecting this unpromising solution, in this paper I go back to a forgotten proposal by Solmsen (1897), who compared τένθης with the PN Πενθεύς ~ Τενθεύς and Lat. condiō ‘to season (food)’, reconstructing a root *kʷendʰ-/*kʷondʰ-. While
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Titelei Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08
Article Titelei was published on November 8, 2021 in the journal Indogermanische Forschungen (volume 126, issue 1).
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Vorwort Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08
Article Vorwort was published on November 8, 2021 in the journal Indogermanische Forschungen (volume 126, issue 1).
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Inhalt Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08
Article Inhalt was published on November 8, 2021 in the journal Indogermanische Forschungen (volume 126, issue 1).
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Periphrastic passive and resultative in Hittite and Proto-Indo-European Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Andrey Shatskov
There are several ways to express passive meaning in ancient Indo- European languages, one of them being periphrastic constructions. This paper argues that periphrastic passives in these languages developed from earlier object-oriented resultative constructions, which can be reconstructed for the proto-language as well.
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The history of Old English būgian and bōgian ʻdwellʼ, and some related morphonological problems Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Aurelijus Vijūnas
In this article, an alternative historical analysis of the Old English verbs būgian and bōgian is presented, whereby it is suggested that they are relatively late formations. The verb *bū̆wōja- (> būgian) evolved out of the verb *bū̆wa- (> būan) during the Proto-Northwest Germanic era by way of a paradigmatic split. The vowel ū̆ in the root of *bū̆wōja- was subject to assimilatory lowering due to the
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Die karische Endung -τ Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Zsolt Simon
Zusammenfassung Based on the contextual analysis of the Carian inscription from Hyllarima (C.Hy 1) this paper argues that the Carian nominal ending - τ is neither genitive plural nor dative plural as previously proposed but ablative. This is supported both by its phonological history and its other attestions.
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The Baltic *-ā́-illative Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Norbert Ostrowski
The Lithuanian-Latvian illative was formed from the IE accusativus directivus and the local postposition *-ā́. Traces of the postponed *-ā́ have been preserved in yrà ‘is, are; OLith. there is, there are’ < *ī-r-ā́, and Lith. čià ‘here’ < *tj-ā́. Typologically, the Baltic illative can be compared to Greek derivatives with -δε, e.g. οἴκα-δε ‘homewards; at home’. As for the origin of the postponed *-ā́
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Small-scale patterns in a larger picture Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Barbara Sonnenhauser, Anastasia Escher
Telling apart family-internal developments from contact-induced changes and socio-geographically conditioned areal trends is still one of the main challenges in tracing the development - and stability - of languages. Notably prima facie contact phenomena might turn out to have resulted from the interaction of a variety of sources upon closer inspection; assessing their interaction is a crucial requirement
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Murmur, heat and bonds – on some words of magic and healing Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Daniel Kölligan
The paper argues that a) Germanic *tauf/ƀra- (Germ. Zauber, etc.) is related to a root PIE *deu̯p- ‘beat; make a hollow sound, resound’ found in Greek δοῦπος ‘thud’, etc., b) Greek φάρμακον goes back to the root PIE *gʷʰer- ‘heat’ (Gk. θερμός, etc.) implying healing by fomentation, and c) Armenian hiwand ‘sick’, borrowed from Iranian, to PIE *sh₂ei̯- ‘bind’ relying on the notion of disease as a supernatural
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A note on Vedic cīti- Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Daniel Kölligan
Vedic cīti-, attested in the Atharvaveda, is argued to be related to Av. ṣ̌āitī-, OP šiyāti- ‘happiness’ built to PIE *kʷi̯eh₁- ‘to (come to) rest’.
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A functional discourse approach to the particle ἀτάρ in Classical Greek Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Clara Lacerda Crepaldi
Taking into consideration both discourse structure and the pragmatics of contrast, this paper draws on Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG) to provide a comprehensive and unified account of ἀτάρ in Classical Greek. In classical Greek drama, the particle ἀτάρ designates two main types of contrast. In its most common usage, it marks a discourse contrast, a boundary in conversational structure, such as
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The Hieroglyphic Luwian genitive case Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Axel I. Palmér
Descriptions of Hieroglyphic Luwian grammar assert that the genitive endings ‑as(a) and ‑asi are interchangeable; their distribution is said to be random rather than governed by any conditioning factor. However, recent studies have shown that the ending ‑asi is geographically and chronologically restricted in the corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian texts, which suggests that the distribution is not entirely
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Birds of a feather? Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Roberto Batisti
The Latin bird-name columba ‘pigeon, dove’ has often invited comparison with Proto-Slavic *gȍlǫbь ‘id.’, as well as with Greek κόλυμβος ‘grebe, diving bird’. However, the first comparison is formally problematic, while the second one is semantically difficult. The first section of the present paper discusses the etymology and derivational history of Lat. columba, concluding in favor of an IE formation
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Future conditionals in Lycian Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 José Marcos Macedo
Lycian funerary inscriptions, being overall legal statements regarding the correct management of the tomb after the death of its owner, comprise many future conditional clauses consisting of two types, paratactic and hypotactic. In the latter a preposed relative clause precedes a resumptive main clause, while in the former two adjoining main clauses are interpreted as protasis and apodosis without
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παλίντονος Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Jesse Lundquist
The Ancient Greek feminines to u-stem adjectives (e.g. ἡδεῖα ‘sweet’ to ἡδύς) diverge from their Old Indic counterparts in terms of accentuation (cp. Ved. svādvī´ ). Homeric Greek possesses a couple of corresponding archaisms with oxytone accent (θαμειαί, ταρφειαί); in this paper, I will propose that Greek in fact runs the gamut, showing recessive accentuation as well, specifically in stems that have
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κέλῡφος and καλύπτω Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Andrew Merritt
Though καλύπτω ‘cover’ is normally and correctly associated with *√ḱel- ‘cover’, the origin of the entire base καλυφ- remains unclear. The basis of clarification consists in an appreciation of the formally resemblant s-stem κέλῡφος, whose meaning ‘sheath, case, shell, husk, pod’ has invited comparison. The author therefore hypothesizes that the bases καλυφ- and κελῡφ- include related layers of nominal
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Mihi est from Brythonic to Breton II Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Milan Rezac
Middle Breton (MB) presents an anomaly of pronominal argument coding in imperative and mihi est HAVE constructions: objects can be accusative proclitics only in 1st/2nd person, while unique enclitics appear in 3rd person. Part II traces the history of object coding: Independent > enclitic coding originates in unavailability of accusative object mesoclitics in V1 imperatives by Vendryes’ Restriction
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On the inflection of palatal stems in Vedic Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Zachary Rothstein-Dowden
This paper re-examines the historical phonology and morphology of the palatal-stem declension of Vedic and concludes that the phonologically regular outcome of the animate nominative singular was -ṭ, while the “bh-cases” should by regular sound change have contained a cluster *°dbh°, the former existence of which can be inferred but which was replaced by °ḍbh° (or °gbh°) under the influence of the
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Tocharian B santse ‘daughter-in-law’ Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2021-11-08 Michaël Peyrot, Meng Xiaoqiang
In Ogihara’s edition of the Tocharian B so-called “Avadāna-Manuscript”, a fragment from the Dhanika-Avadāna contains a word santse. On the basis of parallel texts, it is shown that santse means ‘daughter-in-law’. This newly identified word is cognate with a.o. Greek νυός ‘daughter-in-law’ and derives from Proto-Indo- European *snusó-.
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Inhalt Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01
Article Inhalt was published on November 1, 2020 in the journal Indogermanische Forschungen (volume 125, issue 1).
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Titelei Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01
Article Titelei was published on November 1, 2020 in the journal Indogermanische Forschungen (volume 125, issue 1).
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Gr. ἀρτιεπής, ved. ṛtvíya‑ vā́k‑, jav. raϑβiiavacah‑ Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 Laura Massetti
Zusammenfassung The Homeric compound ἀρτιεπής can be understood as a possessive-compound with a case-form or an adverb in the first member. The compound can be connected to the idea of [CORRECT/RIGHT - SAY], and as such to the expression ἄρτια βάζειν ‘to tell right things’ (Hom.). A collocation [*(H)ar‑ - *u̯eku̯‑] lies at the basis of several IIr. compounds and collocations that are etymologically
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Gr. σφήξ ‚Wespe‘ und uridg. *(s)bʰeh₁gʰ- Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 Daniel Kölligan
Zusammenfassung It is argued that Greek σφήξ, σφηκός ‘wasp’ may be derived from the PIE root *(s)bʰeh₁gʰ- ‘be irascible; start a fight’. The insect’s belligerent nature has been noted both in European antiquity and in various cultures around the world. The inverse of Grassmann’s Law (e.g. nom.pl. σφῆκες, not *σπῆχες) seems to be regular in paradigms with word-initial σφ-. The form σφάξ in Theocritus
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Greek ἅρπαξ ‘robber; robbery’ Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 Alexander Nikolaev
Abstract This paper presents evidence for a PIE root *u̯erp‑ ‘to attack, to force oneself onto someone’ and argues that Greek ἅρπαξ (< *u̯ǝrʰpag-) goes back to a verbal governing compound *u̯r̥p-h₂g̑- ‘driving something (e.g. cattle) away by force’.
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The last verse of the Middle Phrygian epigram from Dokimeion Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 Bartomeu Obrador-Cursach
Abstract This paper focuses on the last verse of the Phrygian epigram dated to the Early Hellenistic Period and found in Dokimeion (W-11). After some remarks on the segmentation, the verb πεννιτι is identified as the Phrygian outcome of PIE verbal root *pent- and ομνισιτου, along with its related Phrygian forms, as going back to PIE *h₃emh₃‑. It also argues in favour of Lubotsky’s identification of
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History of the Albanian present suffix ‑i/‑ën from Proto-Indo-European to the modern dialects Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 Milan Lopuhaä-Zwakenberg
Abstract In standard Albanian, there is a restricted class of three intransitive verbs (hip-, ec-, ik-) that shows a suffix ‑i/‑ën in the conjugation of the present singular. In dialects and in Old Albanian, however, this suffix is more prolific. This paper studies the history of this suffix and its function by comparing its use in a wide range of Albanian dialects. Based on the dialectal data a Proto-
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Slavic *ljuby and the heterogeneity of the inflectional class in *‑y Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 Marek Majer
Abstract The inherited Proto-Slavic feminine nouns in nom. sg. *‑y, oblique *‑ъvare conventionally thought to go back to one source only, namely Proto-Indo- European stems in *‑uh‑. However, a handful of previous studies have already demonstrated the possibility that other inherited items could join this paradigm by phonologically developing a nom. sg. in *‑y from other sources (particularly *‑ōs)
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Meta-Tatian Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 Elliott Evans
Abstract In addition to inflecting adjectives for case, number, and gender, the early Germanic languages inflect adjectives as either strong or weak. Scholarly consensus is lacking regarding what triggers this fourth inflectional category, i.e. why an adjective surfaces as either strong or weak. While the traditional school of thought held that weak adjectives surface with definite determiners, some
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Habitual auxiliaries in Ancient Greek Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 Ezra la Roi
Abstract This article discusses the grammaticalization of the habitual auxiliaries εἴωθα, φιλέω, ἐθέλω and νομίζω in Archaic and Classical Greek. I aim to (1) provide a more complete understanding of the Ancient Greek expressions of habituality; (2) distinguish clearly between habitual aspect and (possibly diachronically) related semantic categories such as iterativity and genericity; (3) demonstrate
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The nominative/vocative plural of Vedic masculine a-stems in complex nominal expressions Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 Pascal Coenen, Michael Frotscher
Abstract In Vedic Sanskrit, masculine a-stem nominals exhibit two different forms of the nom/voc.pl, a short form (ending in ‑ās) and a long form (ending in ‑āsas). In this article, we will argue that the scope of this variation is not a single nominal but the entire noun phrase. This means that whereas the short form may occur several times in a noun phrase, the long form is either absent or occurs
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Zur Entwicklung von ἑκὼν εἶναι im Altgriechischen Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 Luz Conti
Zusammenfassung In the construction ἑκὼν εἶναι, grammars identify the function of εἶναι either with the function of an old dative or accusative. However, some scholars consider εἶναι redundant because it is difficult to ascertain its exact semantic and syntactic function. In any case, neither the original meaning of εἶναι in this construction nor the functional relationship of ἑκών with the infinitive
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Urindogermanische Lehnwörter in den uralischen und finno-ugrischen Grundsprachen Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 Zsolt Simon
Zusammenfassung This paper contains a critical evaluation of the alleged Proto- Indo-European loanwords in Proto-Uralic and Proto-Finno-Ugric and argues that most of them cannot be upheld. It is also argued that currently it is not possible to choose between different scenarios for the remaining cases, i.e. sheer coincidence, borrowing from Proto-Indo-European, borrowing from a precursor of Tocharian
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Syntax of the Hittite infinitive Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 Andrei V. Sideltsev
Abstract The paper reevaluates the evidence for dative case marking of the direct object of the infinitive in Hittite against the Indo-European and cross-linguistic background. It provides a full corpus of relevant examples in Hittite, suggests a new taxonomy of them and proposes that a syntactic rule has to be formulated to account for the non-finite contexts where dative case marks the direct object
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Mihi est from Brythonic to Breton I Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 Milan Rezac
Abstract Middle Breton (MB) presents a singular anomaly of pronominal argument coding. Objects are accusative proclitics save in two constructions, where coding is split by person: 3rd unique enclitics ~ 1st/2nd accusative proclitics. The constructions are HAVE, from Insular Celtic mihi est, where the new coding replaces inflectional nominatives (cf. Latin mihi est ~ sunt); and imperatives, where it
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Indo-European syntax in disguise Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2019-09-18 Birgit Anette Olsen
Abstract The Greek noun suffix -ευς is analyzed as a hypostatic u-stem formation based on an instrumental in *-eh₁- with close cognates in Lithuanian -ius and Armenian -oyt‘ < *-eh1u-ti-. Thus the type reflects the inherited predicative use of the instrumental case also known from the Old Indic cvi-constructions and the Latin type rubefaciō.
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Dating Sanskrit texts using linguistic features and neural networks Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2019-09-18 Oliver Hellwig
Abstract Deriving historical dates or datable stratifications for texts in Classical Sanskrit, such as the epics Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa, is a considerable challenge for text-historical research. This paper provides empirical evidence for subtle but noticeable diachronic changes in the fundamental linguistic structures of Classical Sanskrit, and argues that Classical Sanskrit shows enough diachronic
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TB pitke ‘fat, grease, oil’ and PIE *peih̯1- ‘to be fat, be bursting with’ Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2019-09-18 Tao Pan
Abstract This paper investigates the meaning and the etymology of TB pitke. Based on a philological study of Sanskrit, Chinese and Tibetan parallel texts, the meaning of TB pitke can be determined to be ‘fat, grease, oil’. TB pitke corresponds to Skt. medas- ‘fat’, Tib. tshil ‘fat, grease’ and Chin. 脂zhī ‘fat, grease’. The philological identification of the meaning of TB pitke as ‘fat, grease, oil’
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Indo-European cladistic nomenclature Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2019-09-18 Thomas Olander
Abstract The study examines the terminology currently in use for the higher-level subgroups of the Indo-European family tree. Based on the observation that the terminology is heterogeneous and confusing, the study discusses the central terms, suggesting that the whole language family and its ancestor should be referred to as “Indo-European” and “Proto-Indo-European” respectively. Under the hypothesis
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Phonotactics of the Lycian labial glide clusters Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2019-09-18 Elena Martínez-Rodríguez
Abstract The present article offers a detailed examination of the Lycian phonetic development from a labial glide u̯ {w} into a fricative {b} [v]/[β], which results from contact with an obstruent ([β]/[v] {b} < u̯/C_, AHP: 289). The study of phonetic contexts within each lexeme will allow us to establish new conditions for this change, whether extensions or restrictions, and also to propose some derivations
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Kleines Lautgesetz, große Wirkung Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2019-09-18 Simon Fries
Zusammenfassung The unexpected i instead of expected *e in the first syllable of Latin wordforms such as nisi, nimis, nihil, mihi, tibi and sibi has until now been explained in various ways either from vowel assimilation of original *e to the i of the second syllable or from clitic weakening of the words. This article aims at giving a common mechanical explanation for all of these words by posing a
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Definite referential null objects in Old Hittite Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2019-09-18 Guglielmo Inglese, Giuseppe Rizzo, Miriam Pflugmacher
Abstract The occurrence of referential Null Objects (NOs) is a recurrent syntactic feature of ancient Indo-European languages. As previous scholars have remarked, different conditions license the occurrence of NOs in individual languages. In Hittite, the occurrence of NOs has already been observed in reference works, but a systematic account of this phenomenon is still a desideratum. In this paper
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The origin of non-canonical case marking of subjects in Proto-Indo-European Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2019-09-18 Roland Pooth, Peter Alexander Kerkhof, Leonid Kulikov, Jóhanna Barđdal
Abstract For a long time one of the most bewildering conundrums of Indo- European linguistics has been the issue of how to reconstruct the alignment system of this ancient language state, given the lack of distinction between s and o marking in the Proto-Indo-European neuter nouns and the problem of the Hittite ergative. An additional complication stems from the existence of argument structure constructions
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An apple a day … Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2019-09-18 David Stifter
Zusammenfassung This article presents hitherto overlooked evidence that suggests that the Old Irish word for the ‘apple’, ubull, was originally a neuter u-stem. This is then integrated into a general picture of the words for ‘apple’ in Celtic and Indo-European. Along the way, several other problems are discussed: it is demonstrated that the normal, if not regular, genitive plural of neuter u-stems
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Germanic *ƀra (PIE *pro) as ditropic clitic and the etymology of *ƀrenga-, *ƀrūka- and *ƀraiđ̯a- Indogermanische Forschungen (IF 0.1) Pub Date : 2019-09-18 Daniel Kölligan
Abstract It is argued that the Germanic forms *ƀrenga- ‘bring’, *ƀrūka- ‘use, enjoy’ and *ƀrai̯đa- ‘broad’ contain an element *ƀra which is the “ditropic” variant of Gmc. *fra < PIE *pro. It arose by Verner’s Law when *fra was enclitic and formed a phonological word with a preceding lexeme, while being syntactically and semantically oriented towards its host on the right. The same behavior may be seen