Infinitival clauses are known to represent a caseless domain for the subject. Nevertheless, Russian is often cited as an exception to this property. It has a so-called “dative-infinitive construction” (DIC), in which an overt subject appears in dative case. Dative morphology also appears in certain control environments, resurfacing on a semi-predicate, which has been taken as evidence of case presence on PRO. This paper scrutinizes various types of DIC and proposes their unified analysis, relying on two theoretical tools: the framework of Distributed Morphology and the Universal Spine Hypothesis. Examining the building blocks of the infinitival clause in Russian, this paper argues against a covert-modal hypothesis. The dative case is attributed to a to-like functional head, Goal, which anchors the infinitival clause to a contextually salient point in time or a world of evaluation. Within the clausal spine, GoalP can either immediately dominate VoiceP or be immediately dominated by CP. The proposed analysis builds upon the concept of “goal-oriented directedness”, borrowed from the cognitive-functionalist literature and formalized in a generative perspective. Application of this analysis to control environments leads to a conclusion that two types of infinitival domains should be differentiated in Russian: full-fledged (GoalP-containing) CPs and bare infinitival phrases.

中文翻译：

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与格主语的不定式从句：空间和时间上的目标导向性

众所周知，不定式从句代表主语的无大小写域。然而，俄语经常被认为是该属性的一个例外。它有一个所谓的“与格-不定式结构”（DIC），其中一个明显的主语出现在与格中。与格形态也出现在某些控制环境中，在半谓词上重新出现，这已被视为 PRO 上案例存在的证据。本文依托分布式形态学框架和通用脊柱假说这两个理论工具，对各种类型的 DIC 进行了仔细研究并提出了统一的分析。本文通过研究俄语不定式从句的组成部分，反对隐性情态假设。与格归因于到- 类似于功能中心词“目标”，它将不定式从句锚定到上下文中的显着时间点或评估世界。在子句脊柱内，GoalP 可以立即支配 VoiceP，也可以立即被 CP 支配。所提出的分析建立在“目标导向的指向性”概念之上，该概念借鉴自认知功能主义文献并以生成的视角形式化。将此分析应用于控制环境得出的结论是，俄语中应区分两种类型的不定式域：成熟的（包含 GoalP）CP 和裸不定式短语。