NATO's security turn following Russia's 2014 invasion of Ukraine opened new prospects for adopting the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda from external operations to all tasks of the alliance. Drawing on feminist institutionalism and feminist pragmatist approach to security, this article interrogates NATO's WPS localization in deterrence and territorial defence. I demonstrate that NATO has in the past decade been unable to operationalize WPS in deterrence and defence. I identify following obstacles to NATO's post-2014 WPS considerations: first, implementing WPS pragmatically as an external, depoliticized and low-priority military agenda pushed primarily by femocrats; second, taking WPS to the strategic level while omitting practical localization in deterrence and defence; and third, approaching WPS partnership with Ukraine as a unidirectional transfer of NATO's WPS knowledge to Ukraine rather than a mutual learning. I argue that these institutional factors made NATO's WPS implementation only reactive and ultimately ill-prepared for such gendered security crisis as the one caused by Russia's full-out war against Ukraine in 2022. The article makes the case for rethinking feminist conceptualization of deterrence through the convergence of WPS and resilience agendas. This concerns going beyond military deterrence and centring social and political practices which are linked to societal resilience.

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妇女、和平与安全作为威慑？北约和俄罗斯对乌克兰的战争

俄罗斯 2014 年入侵乌克兰后，北约的安全转向为将妇女、和平与安全 (WPS) 议程从外部行动扩展到联盟的所有任务开辟了新的前景。本文借鉴女权主义制度主义和女权主义实用主义安全方法，质疑北约在威慑和领土防御方面的 WPS 本土化。我证明北约在过去十年中无法在威慑和防御中实施 WPS。我认为北约 2014 年后 WPS 考虑存在以下障碍：首先，将 WPS 作为主要由女性推动的外部、非政治化和低优先级军事议程来务实地实施；其次，将WPS上升到战略层面，而忽略了威慑和防御的实际本土化；第三，将与乌克兰的WPS伙伴关系视为北约向乌克兰单向转让WPS知识，而不是相互学习。我认为，这些制度因素使得北约的 WPS 实施只是被动的，最终对俄罗斯 2022 年对乌克兰的全面战争引发的性别安全危机没有做好准备。本文提出了重新思考女权主义威慑概念的理由： WPS 和弹性议程的融合。这涉及超越军事威慑并集中与社会复原力相关的社会和政治实践。