This paper investigates whether agreement attraction is modulated by distributional properties determining subject-likelihood by examining the degree to which bare nouns and full determiner phrases (DPs) cause agreement attraction effects in Romanian. Romanian represents an ideal testing ground for this, given two distributional constraints making bare nouns less subject-like: Locative Determiner Omission, preventing locative prepositions from taking nouns with definite articles (unless modified by adjectives), and the Naked Noun Constraint, disallowing bare nouns as preverbal subjects. We predicted that bare nouns should be less likely to trigger agreement attraction than overt DPs. We conducted four speeded forced-choice sentence continuation tasks on Romanian native speakers to test this prediction. We observe that overt DPs cause significantly more attraction than bare nouns. We suggest that the results are consistent with a cue-based retrieval mechanism for forming agreement dependencies, where cues that determine subjecthood are used to reactivate elements in working memory upon processing a verb. These cues can be language specific, and in Romanian, this means that agreement attraction is sensitive to the morphophonological overtness of the determiner.

本文通过检查罗马尼亚语中裸名词和完整限定词短语 (DP) 引起一致吸引效应的程度，研究一致吸引力是否受到确定主语似然的分布特性的调节。罗马尼亚语代表了一个理想的测试场，考虑到两个分布约束使裸名词不太像主语：方位限定词省略，防止方位介词采用带有定冠词的名词（除非被形容词修饰），以及裸名词约束，不允许裸名词作为前动词主语。我们预测，与公开的 DP 相比，裸名词应该更不可能引发协议吸引力。我们对罗马尼亚语母语人士进行了四次快速强制选择句子延续任务来测试这一预测。我们观察到，明显的 DP 比裸名词更具吸引力。我们认为结果与基于线索的检索机制一致，用于形成协议依赖性，其中确定主体性的线索用于在处理动词时重新激活工作记忆中的元素。这些线索可以是特定于语言的，在罗马尼亚语中，这意味着一致吸引力对限定词的形态语音明显性很敏感。