Reviewed by:

• Blacks and Jews in America: An Invitation to Dialogue by Terrance L. Johnson and Jacques Berlinerblau
• David M. Krueger

Among minority groups in the U.S., Blacks and Jews have had a unique relationship, often characterized by collaborations in music, sports, and the common pursuit of civil rights. One of the most iconic images of this relationship is the image of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel marching side-by-side during the American civil rights movements of the 1960’s. However, the relationships between Blacks and Jews have also been fraught with disagreements over questions of Israel/Palestine policy and commitment to racial justice. Drawing on their experience teaching a class on Blacks and Jews in America at Georgetown University, the authors take a fresh look at the complicated and contested history of the relations between these two groups, identifying the key obstacles to constructive dialogue.

In the early-to-mid-twentieth century, Jews and Blacks lived near one another in many urban areas, but this is less common today. Due to white flight in the latter half of the twentieth century, neighborhoods and schools are highly segregated along lines of race and class. As the authors observe, Jews and Blacks today tend to see one another as strangers. As a result, there are few face-to-face encounters that happen organically. Therefore, they suggest, dialogue and relationship-building must be intentional if they are to happen. To engage in this difficult work, the authors identify several key issues that must be taken into consideration. Foremost is the power asymmetry between the two groups. In political collaborations between Blacks and Jews in the twentieth century, white Jews have typically held the financial and economic power, an imbalance that has often distorted the relationship and led to misunderstandings about motivations. According to the authors, a shared commitment to a political vision that advances structural equality for African Americans must be the starting point for meaningful dialogue between Blacks and Jews.

The establishment of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in 1909 is often cited as the highpoint of the “Grand Alliance” of [End Page 618] Black-Jewish relations. During this period, the groups shared concerns about legalized racial discrimination and segregation. In time, immigrant Jews were better able to assimilate and become recognized as white—a privilege not afforded to African Americans, including Black Jews, who number more than a half million in the U.S. However, while many Jews do benefit from white privilege, they recognize that their status as white in American society is liminal. According to the authors, sincere dialogue between Blacks and Jews (including nonwhite Jews) must address the complexities of race in America.

An even more contentious issue centers on the issue of Palestine/Israel. Prior to the late 1960’s, most African American civil rights leaders embraced the political goals of Zionism. The Black Power movement challenged this conventional view and increasingly linked the plight of African Americans with Palestinians, as both suffered under imperialist and racist rule. More recently, the Black Lives Matter movement has taken a strong stand against Israeli policies, putting most Jews in a difficult position. While many younger Jews are highly critical of the right-wing Israeli government, they are hesitant to vocalize discontent because “the very existence of Israel is inextricably bound to their existence in the Diaspora” (p. 155). Given this reality, the authors suggest that it may be necessary to “bracket” the issue to focus on such “other urgent projects” as the rise of white supremacist groups, which target both Blacks and Jews in the U.S.

One of key strengths of the book is that the authors model dialogue across differences. Berlinerblau is white and Jewish, and Johnson is Black and a Protestant Christian. Berlinerblau is more optimistic about the promises of liberalism to secure individual rights and equal access to opportunities, while Johnson is more pessimistic, arguing for an emancipatory political commitment that uses the Exodus as a...

审核人：

• 美国的黑人和犹太人：特伦斯·L·约翰逊和雅克·柏林布劳的对话邀请
• 大卫 M.克鲁格

在美国的少数群体中，黑人和犹太人有着独特的关系，通常以在音乐、体育和共同追求公民权利方面的合作为特征。这种关系中最具标志性的形象之一是小马丁路德金博士和拉比亚伯拉罕约书亚赫舍尔在 1960 年代美国民权运动中并肩前进的形象。然而，黑人和犹太人之间的关系也充满了在以色列/巴勒斯坦政策和对种族正义的承诺问题上的分歧。利用他们在乔治城大学教授美国黑人和犹太人课程的经验，作者重新审视了这两个群体之间复杂而有争议的关系历史，确定了建设性对话的主要障碍。

在 20 世纪早期到中期，犹太人和黑人在许多城市地区彼此靠近，但今天这种情况已不常见。由于 20 世纪下半叶的白人逃亡，社区和学校在种族和阶级方面高度隔离。正如作者所观察到的，今天的犹太人和黑人倾向于将彼此视为陌生人。因此，很少有面对面的相遇是自然发生的。因此，他们建议，如果要发生对话和建立关系，就必须是有意识的。为了从事这项艰巨的工作，作者确定了必须考虑的几个关键问题。最重要的是两组之间的权力不对称。在 20 世纪黑人和犹太人之间的政治合作中，白人犹太人通常掌握着金融和经济权力，这种不平衡经常扭曲关系并导致对动机的误解。根据作者的说法，对促进非裔美国人结构平等的政治愿景的共同承诺必须成为黑人和犹太人之间有意义的对话的起点。

1909 年全国有色人种协进会的成立经常被认为是[End Page 618]黑人与犹太人关系的“大联盟”的高潮。在此期间，这些团体对合法化的种族歧视和种族隔离表示担忧。随着时间的推移，移民犹太人能够更好地同化并被承认为白人——这是非裔美国人所不具备的特权，包括黑人犹太人，他们在美国的人数超过 50 万。然而，虽然许多犹太人确实受益于白人特权，但他们认识到他们在美国社会中作为白人的地位是有限的。作者认为，黑人和犹太人（包括非白人犹太人）之间的真诚对话必须解决美国种族的复杂性。

一个更有争议的问题集中在巴勒斯坦/以色列问题上。在 1960 年代后期之前，大多数非裔美国民权领袖都拥护犹太复国主义的政治目标。黑人权力运动挑战了这种传统观点，并将非洲裔美国人的困境与巴勒斯坦人联系在一起，因为他们都在帝国主义和种族主义统治下遭受了苦难。最近，“黑人的命也是命”运动对以色列的政策采取了强硬立场，使大多数犹太人处于困境。虽然许多年轻的犹太人对以色列右翼政府持高度批评态度，但他们不愿表达不满，因为“以色列的存在与他们在侨民中的存在密不可分”（第 155 页）。鉴于这一现实，

这本书的主要优势之一是作者模拟了跨越差异的对话。Berlinerblau 是白人和犹太人，约翰逊是黑人和新教基督徒。Berlinerblau 对自由主义对确保个人权利和平等获得机会的承诺更为乐观，而约翰逊则更为悲观，主张以出埃及为...