ist advancements, by marginalizing them from discussions and negotiations pertaining to regional agendas and forward-looking policies. Thus, the author calls for a non-state actorbased pan-Africanism that builds on the well-being and social justice and the most socially deprived: “At the end of the day, the uniting decolonial ideology for pan-Africanismmust be anti-imperialist, anti-patriarchal and anti-militarist. It must jealously safeguard the interests of those who suffer from intersectional oppression on the basis of their gender, social status, ethnic and cultural origin, sexuality, disability, age, and other grounds.” The author concludes with what she calls the current digital colonization, namely the extraction of digital data from African utilizers in order to serve the profits of multinational corporations outside the continent. Following an analysis of this process, the author restates the need to be vigilant about these processes and calls for decolonial and feminist ways of utilizing digitization by women of Africa following transnational and inclusive practices that serve the emancipation of the whole. Through the different examples and analyses covered,Decolonization and Afro-Feminism proves to be a valuable contribution to critically engage with local, regional, and international policies and attempt at constructing new social realistic utopias, in addition to contemporary scholarship on decoloniality and intersectionality. As a scholar working on Black European women’s mobilizations, and being aware of the debates pertaining to the scope of Afro-feminism, one question unresolved for me is the extent to which the category of race – which Tamale sees as constitutive of Afro-feminism – is relevant to African settings outside of international interactions and countries that were highly marked by European settlers’ structural racism. It would be interesting to follow up by considering if and what kind of racialization mechanisms play a role at an interregional level, and in countries that have been marked by colonization without having been as structurally marked by racism in postcolonial settings. My question to the author would thus be should Afro-feminism be reconceptualized from an African standpoint that reconsiders the meanings and operationality of race according to the different continental expressions? And if yes, what new conceptualizations of race can themultiple African contexts provide to enhance our general understanding of decolonization and intersectionality?

中文翻译：

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朱迪思·苏尔基斯。法属阿尔及利亚的性、法律和主权，1830-1930。[Corpus Juris: The Humanities in Politics and Law。] 康奈尔大学出版社，伊萨卡（纽约）2019 年。xvi，335 页。伊利诺伊州地图。115.00 美元。（纸质书：29.95 美元；电子书：14.99 美元。）

通过将他们从与区域议程和前瞻性政策有关的讨论和谈判中边缘化来取得进步。因此，作者呼吁建立一种基于福祉和社会正义以及最受社会剥夺的非国家行为者的泛非主义：“归根结底，泛非主义的联合非殖民主义意识形态必须是反帝国主义的，反父权制和反军国主义。它必须小心翼翼地维护那些因性别、社会地位、种族和文化出身、性取向、残疾、年龄和其他原因而遭受交叉压迫的人的利益。” 作者以她所谓的当前数字殖民化作为结尾，即从非洲用户那里提取数字数据，以服务于非洲大陆以外的跨国公司的利润。在分析了这一过程之后，作者重申了对这些过程保持警惕的必要性，并呼吁非洲妇女遵循为整体解放服务的跨国和包容性实践，以非殖民主义和女权主义的方式利用数字化。通过所涵盖的不同示例和分析，除当代关于非殖民性和交叉性的学术研究外，非殖民化和非洲女权主义被证明是对批判性地参与地方、区域和国际政策并尝试构建新的社会现实乌托邦的宝贵贡献。作为一名研究欧洲黑人妇女动员的学者，并意识到与非洲女权主义范围有关的辩论，对我来说，一个悬而未决的问题是种族类别——Tamale 认为是非洲女权主义的组成部分——在多大程度上与国际互动之外的非洲环境和以欧洲定居者的结构性种族主义为标志的国家相关。通过考虑是否以及什么样的种族化机制在区域间层面以及在以殖民化为标志而在后殖民环境中在结构上没有以种族主义为标志的国家发挥作用进行跟进，将是有趣的。因此，我向作者提出的问题是，是否应该从非洲的角度重新概念化非洲女权主义，根据不同的大陆表达方式重新考虑种族的含义和可操作性？如果是的话，