This paper discusses the generality of descriptive kinship terms for affines in Arawakan languages, readdressing an open problem in the historical linguistics of this family. I show that the Mojeño terms for affines of the parental generation originate in descriptive kinship terms meaning ‘grandparent of Ego’s child’. Next, I demonstrate that this account offers striking support for the independently proposed sound-symbolic origin of the affricate of PM *-ótse ‘grandmother’. Evidence is also presented for the independent emergence of similar formations in different Arawakan languages, also considering the extralinguistic, sociohistorical conditions that may have prompted these independent formations. Finally, I propose a reevaluation of Payne’s (1991) Proto-Arawakan etymology for ‘seed’, suggesting that it conflates the reflexes of two independent etyma. Reworking this etymology furnishes substance to Taylor’s (1961) pioneering hypothesis of a family-wide form *-im(i)- ‘child, seed’.

中文翻译：

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阿拉瓦坎语中的描述性亲属关系术语：一种词源学方法

本文讨论了描述性亲属关系术语在阿拉瓦坎语中的一般性，重新解决了该语系历史语言学中的一个悬而未决的问题。我表明，父母代的亲缘关系的 Mojeño 术语起源于描述性亲属关系术语，意思是“自我孩子的祖父母”。接下来，我证明这个说法为独立提出的 PM *-ótse 'grandmother' 塞塞擦音的声音符号起源提供了惊人的支持。还提出了在不同阿拉瓦干语言中独立出现类似结构的证据，同时考虑到可能促成这些独立结构的语言外、社会历史条件。最后，我建议重新评估 Payne (1991) 的“种子”的原始阿拉瓦干语源学，表明它将两个独立词根的反射混为一谈。改写这个词源为 Taylor (1961) 的开创性假设提供了实质内容，即全家族形式 *-im(i)-“孩子，种子”。