A profound political tension between Turkey and Germany has gained an overall dimension on the political agenda of the intra-European migration discussion since 2016. As close trade partners, Turkey and Germany became gradually political adversaries on different issues. 2016 and the following years marked a turnover in the already worsened mutual relations. A series of political issues such as recognising the Armenian genocide in 1915, open allegations and critical views against the Turkish President and prohibition of election campaigns for Turkish government politicians in Germany had driven political relations between the two countries to nadir. This obscure situation led the Turks of Germany (The phrases “Turks of Germany” or “Turkish migrants” are persons with migration background from Turkey who still bear Turkish citizenship or formerly were Turkish citizens. This group's ethnic or confessional identity is not recognised; their legal status and country of origin are preponderant.), who have close ties to their ancestors’ homeland and consider Germany as the centre of their lives, nolens volens into a limbo situation. Within the “guest-worker program” framework in the second part of the 20th century, highly industrialised countries of Western Europe recruited migrant workers from different countries. This workforce should perform mostly blue-collar labour in the receiving countries. After six decades of Turkish presence in Germany, the grandsons and granddaughters of the former guest workers are well-represented in almost every sector of the society. However, their loyalty and integrability to the receiving country are challenged by German politics, especially by the governments of conservative chancellor Angela Merkel (2005–2021). If Turks of Germany feel closely connected to Turkey and Turkish culture (Workers from Turkey brought with them to the country of immigration their own “cultural assets”. Those are, language, religious and customary beliefs, social habits, dress, music, literature, social codes and manners, shared history, food, etc. However, migrants in the receiving country undergo a process of hybridity under the influence of the new cultural environment. (Please see: Bhabha [The location of culture, New York, NY: Routledge, 1994]) Culture within the framework of post-colonialism has also been discussed in Edward W. Said's book “Culture and Imperialism” (Said [Kültür ve Emperyalizm. Kapsamlı Bir Düşünsel ve Siyasal Sorgulama Çalışması. Hil Yayın: İstanbul, 1998]). If Turks of Germany feel closely connected to Turkey and Turkish culture, they are not recognised as integrable members of the society. Identity-based and culture-oriented policies inexorably influence the willingness of migrants to feel like equal members in the host society, and it applies even to the new generations with migration backgrounds. The question of migrant integration is the most emotionally debated issue in Germany and seems to be the greatest challenge in the political agenda. Beyond the bilateral Turkish–German issues, the growing xenophobic sentiments, islamophobia and Europe-wide political populism may cause a persistent bilateral tension in the medium term between the countries and among the transnational and native communities. Anti-Turkish rhetoric in the media alienates the Turkish community and has a value to jeopardise integration efforts more and more.

中文翻译：

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跨国土耳其-德国社区陷入困境。移民接收国和输出国之间政治紧张局势的后果

自 2016 年以来，土耳其和德国之间深刻的政治紧张关系在欧洲内部移民讨论的政治议程上获得了全面的关注。作为亲密的贸易伙伴，土耳其和德国在不同问题上逐渐成为政治对手。2016 年及随后的几年标志着本已恶化的相互关系发生了转变。1915年承认亚美尼亚种族灭绝、公开指控和批评土耳其总统、禁止土耳其政府政客在德国竞选等一系列政治问题使两国政治关系跌至谷底。诺伦斯沃伦斯陷入两难境地。在 20 世纪下半叶的“客籍工人计划”框架内，西欧高度工业化国家从不同国家招募移民工人。这些劳动力在接受国应该主要从事蓝领劳动。土耳其人在德国生活了 6 年之后，前客工的孙子孙女在社会的几乎每个领域都有很好的代表。然而，他们对接收国的忠诚度和整合性受到德国政治的挑战，尤其是保守派总理安格拉·默克尔 (2005-2021) 政府的挑战。如果德国土耳其人觉得与土耳其和土耳其文化有着密切的联系（来自土耳其的工人将他们自己的“文化资产”带到了移民国。那些是，语言，新文化环境影响下的杂化。（请参阅：Bhabha [文化的位置，纽约，纽约：Routledge，1994]）后殖民主义框架内的文化也已在 Edward W. Said 的“文化与帝国主义”一书中进行了讨论（Said [Kültür ve Emperyalizm . Kapsamlı Bir Düşünsel ve Siyasal Sorgulama Çalışması. Hil Yayın：伊斯坦布尔，1998]）。如果德国土耳其人觉得自己与土耳其和土耳其文化有着密切的联系，那么他们就不会被认为是社会不可分割的成员。基于身份和文化导向的政策不可避免地会影响移民在东道国社会中感受到平等成员的意愿，它甚至适用于具有移民背景的新一代。移民融入问题是德国争论最激烈的问题，似乎是政治议程中最大的挑战。除了土耳其-德国双边问题之外，日益增长的仇外情绪、伊斯兰恐惧症和欧洲范围内的政治民粹主义可能会在中期导致国家之间以及跨国和本土社区之间持续的双边紧张局势。反土耳其_媒体上的言论疏远了土耳其社区，并有越来越多地危害融合努力的价值。