In this paper, an attempt will be made to discuss the likely context for pre-plague indications of expropriation and its limits. There is plentiful evidence of an active land market in medieval villages by the end of the thirteenth century, and most likely for some time earlier. Fluctuation in the rate of buying and selling coincided with difficult harvest years and suggests a link between impecunious peasant sellers and wealthier peasant buyers. There is also some association between the selling of land and pre-existing indebtedness. In a period of partial commercial and market development, the extent to which exchange of land or of moveables proceeded to a significant structural redistribution of land and resources was constrained, and even in those parts of the country where an early peasant land market was well-established, significant adjustment is not evident. Instead, impediments to expropriation, such as seigneurial control of peasant land and limited capacity for extensive capital accumulation, acted as constraints on significant accumulation and redistribution. That said, there is limited suggestion in our sources of a redistribution of property rights associable with inequality of dealing and the advantage of wealthier landholders and creditors. In exploring this last point, particular use is made of the court records for the Welsh marcher lordship of Dyffryn Clwyd.

在本文中，将尝试讨论瘟疫前征用征兆的可能背景及其限制。有大量证据表明，到 13 世纪末，中世纪村庄的土地市场活跃，很可能更早一段时间。买卖率的波动恰逢收成困难的年份，这表明贫穷的农民卖家和富裕的农民买家之间存在联系。出售土地与先前存在的债务之间也存在某种关联。在部分商业和市场发展的时期，土地或动产交换进行到土地和资源的重大结构性再分配的程度受到限制，即使在该国早期农民土地市场良好的地区——已确立的，重大调整不明显。相反，征用的障碍，例如对农民土地的领主控制和广泛的资本积累能力有限，成为对大量积累和再分配的制约。也就是说，在我们的资料来源中，与交易不平等以及富裕土地所有者和债权人的优势相关的财产权重新分配的建议有限。在探讨最后一点时，特别使用了 Dyffryn Clwyd 的威尔士游行者领主的法庭记录。在我们的资料来源中，关于与交易不平等以及富裕土地所有者和债权人的利益相关的财产权重新分配的建议有限。在探讨最后一点时，特别使用了 Dyffryn Clwyd 的威尔士游行者领主的法庭记录。在我们的资料来源中，关于与交易不平等以及富裕土地所有者和债权人的利益相关的财产权重新分配的建议有限。在探讨最后一点时，特别使用了 Dyffryn Clwyd 的威尔士游行者领主的法庭记录。