In a recent series of articles, ecological distribution conflicts scholars present descriptive statistical analyses backing Joan Martinez-Alier (2002)’s thesis on the environmentalism of the poor.In their collaborative Environmental Justice Atlas (EJAtlas), their Peru sample reports a success rate of 24% in stopping projects. We contend that successful resistance represents only 25% of the total universe of Peru mining conflicts. Our claim is built on the study of 517 conflicts in Peru between 2005 and 2019, as registered by the Ombudsperson's Office. The evidence suggests, moreover, that contentious collective action commonly subordinates environmental justice causes to conventional economic concerns and resolutions, resulting in mining conflicts unfolding into compensation schemes and better deal settlements. Our straightforward interpretation is that while negative impacts are complex phenomena not homogeneously experienced among and within local communities, across space and over time, natural resource commodification brings with it the promise of local development opportunities. We draw a complementary extractivism of the poor hypothesis: there are diverse forms of (bitter) accommodation with or (structured) involvement in natural resource commodification of the poor and the indigenous.

在最近的一系列文章中，生态分布冲突学者提出了支持 Joan Martinez-Alier (2002) 关于穷人的环保主义的论文的描述性统计分析。在他们合作的环境正义地图集 (EJAtlas) 中，他们的秘鲁样本报告了成功率停止项目的比例为 24%。我们认为，成功的抵抗仅占秘鲁采矿冲突总数的 25%。我们的主张是基于对 2005 年至 2019 年间秘鲁 517 起冲突的研究，由监察员办公室登记。此外，有证据表明，有争议的集体行动通常将环境正义问题从属于传统的经济问题和解决方案，从而导致采矿冲突发展为补偿计划和更好的交易解决方案。我们直截了当的解释是，虽然负面影响是复杂的现象，在当地社区之间和内部、跨空间和随着时间的推移并不相同，但自然资源商品化带来了当地发展机会的承诺。我们得出了穷人假设的补充采掘主义：在穷人和土著人的自然资源商品化中存在多种形式的（苦涩的）住宿或（结构化的）参与。