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Grace Livingstone, Britain and the Dictatorships of Argentina and Chile, 1973–1982: Foreign Policy, Corporations and Social Movements (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), pp. ix + 280, £79.99, hb, £22.99, pb, £17.99, E-book.
Journal of Latin American Studies ( IF 0.7 ) Pub Date : 2020-11-01 , DOI: 10.1017/s0022216x20001030
Pablo Bradbury

Grace Livingstone’s book, newly released in paperback, is a comparative study that sets out to understand the British government’s response to authoritarian regimes in Chile (1973–90) and Argentina (1976–83). By contrasting the very different foreign policy decisions towards two neighbouring countries whose dictatorships displayed clear similarities in ideology and repressive strategy, the study explores the underlying forces that drove these responses. The result is a close analysis of the interplay between the elite social networks of Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) bureaucracy, interwoven economic and strategic state interests and solidarity campaigners rooted in the labour movement. Livingstone draws primarily from a raft of official government papers held at Kew National Archives, declassified in recent years in line with the 30-year rule. Unfortunately, she discovers through a Freedom of Information request that over 300 FCO folders relating to the lead-up to the 1982 conflict between Argentina and Britain were destroyed. Nevertheless, the documentation that does exist enables Livingstone to pay close attention to the FCO’s priorities in dealing with repressive Cold War dictatorships, and officials’ interactions with both ministers and civil society. By combining this documentation with diaries, memoirs, political pamphlets and interviews, she pieces together a rich analysis of the constant negotiation between the civil service, politicians, social movements and commercial interests. The story that unfolds is a fascinating one that has much to teach us about two areas: the development of British foreign policy; and the capacity for interest groups to influence foreign policy. On the first, the analysis emphasises the elite networks of sociability in which the FCO functioned, which aligned far more comfortably with Conservative administrations than Labour governments. Livingstone builds a carefully evidenced account of the way in which the upper-class milieu of the Foreign Office shaped policy directions. Providing an enlightening survey of FCO officials, she notes that this department, in particular, was ‘the preserve of the upper-class public school-educated Oxbridge graduate’ (p. 57), with 75 per cent of officials having attended fee-paying schools. This helps to explain why the range of views

中文翻译:

格蕾丝·利文斯通,英国与阿根廷和智利的独裁统治,1973-1982 年:外交政策、公司和社会运动(Cham:Palgrave Macmillan,2018 年),第 ix + 280 页,79.99 英镑,hb,22.99 英镑,pb,17.99 英镑,电子书。

格蕾丝·利文斯通 (Grace Livingstone) 的新平装本新书是一项比较研究,旨在了解英国政府对智利(1973-90 年)和阿根廷(1976-83 年)专制政权的反应。通过对比针对两个独裁统治在意识形态和镇压策略上明显相似的邻国的截然不同的外交政策决定,该研究探讨了推动这些反应的潜在力量。结果是对外交和联邦事务部 (FCO) 官僚机构的精英社交网络、相互交织的经济和战略国家利益以及植根于劳工运动的团结运动者之间的相互作用进行了仔细分析。利文斯通主要借鉴了邱国家档案馆保存的大量官方政府文件,近年来根据 30 年规则解密。不幸的是,她通过信息自由请求发现 300 多个与 1982 年阿根廷和英国之间的冲突有关的 FCO 文件夹被销毁。尽管如此,确实存在的文件使利文斯通能够密切关注 FCO 在处理压制性冷战独裁统治以及官员与部长和民间社会的互动方面的优先事项。通过将这些文件与日记、回忆录、政治小册子和采访相结合,她对公务员、政治家、社会运动和商业利益之间不断进行的谈判进行了丰富的分析。展开的故事是一个引人入胜的故事,它可以在两个领域教给我们很多东西:英国外交政策的发展;以及利益集团影响外交政策的能力。首先,分析强调了 FCO 发挥作用的精英社交网络,与工党政府相比,这些网络与保守党政府的关系更加融洽。利文斯通详细阐述了外交部上层社会环境塑造政策方向的方式。她对 FCO 官员进行了一项具有启发性的调查,她指出,该部门尤其是“受过上流社会教育的牛津剑桥大学毕业生的专利”(第 57 页),其中 75% 的官员参加了付费课程学校。这有助于解释为什么视图范围 与工党政府相比,与保守党政府保持一致。利文斯通详细阐述了外交部上层社会环境塑造政策方向的方式。她对 FCO 官员进行了一项具有启发性的调查,她指出,该部门尤其是“受过上流社会教育的牛津剑桥大学毕业生的专利”(第 57 页),其中 75% 的官员参加了付费课程学校。这有助于解释为什么视图范围 与工党政府相比,与保守党政府保持一致。利文斯通详细阐述了外交部上层社会环境塑造政策方向的方式。她对 FCO 官员进行了一项具有启发性的调查,她指出,该部门尤其是“受过上流社会教育的牛津剑桥大学毕业生的专利”(第 57 页),其中 75% 的官员参加了付费课程学校。这有助于解释为什么视图范围 是“受过上流社会教育的牛津剑桥大学毕业生的专利”(第 57 页),75% 的官员曾就读于收费学校。这有助于解释为什么视图范围 是“受过上流社会教育的牛津剑桥大学毕业生的专利”(第 57 页),75% 的官员曾就读于收费学校。这有助于解释为什么视图范围
更新日期:2020-11-01
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