This article concerns the organizational expansion undertaken by the opposition party, Chadema, in Tanzania between 2003 and 2015. It argues that Chadema’s extensive party-building enabled it to mobilize on the ground. These organizational developments, as much as elite action, underpinned recent changes in the party system and the opposition’s improved showing in recent elections. Chadema established branches even though many of the prerequisite circumstances typically recognized in the literature were absent. This makes Chadema a deviant case and this deviance has implications for the historical institutionalist literature on party-building. This article complicates Rachel Riedl’s account of state substitution. She links the incorporation or substitution of social actors to different paths of party system institutionalization. This article demonstrates that the character and consequences of state substitution depend upon the balance of power between state and social actors. It also builds on accounts by Adrienne LeBas and others that when social actors are strong, they can endow opposition parties with resources which make branch establishment possible, and when they are weak, they can only act as surrogate party branches. This article illustrates that when social actors are absent from partisan politics, parties have no way to organize except by founding green-site branches.

中文翻译：

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组织良好的反对党的威权起源：查德玛在坦桑尼亚的崛起

本文关注反对党查德马在 2003 年至 2015 年间在坦桑尼亚进行的组织扩张。它认为查德马的广泛政党建设使其能够在实地进行动员。这些组织发展，以及精英行动，支撑了最近政党制度的变化和反对派在最近的选举中表现的改善。Chadema 建立了分支，尽管文献中通常承认的许多先决条件都不存在。这使得 Chadema 成为一个离经叛道的案例，这种离经叛道对历史制度主义关于政党建设的文献有影响。这篇文章使雷切尔·里德尔 (Rachel Riedl) 对状态替代的描述变得复杂。她将社会行动者的纳入或替代与政党制度制度化的不同路径联系起来。本文表明，国家替代的特征和后果取决于国家和社会行动者之间的权力平衡。它还建立在 Adrienne LeBas 和其他人的帐户上，当社会行动者强大时，他们可以赋予反对党资源，使支部成立成为可能，而当他们弱时，他们只能充当代理党支部。这篇文章说明，当社会行动者缺席党派政治时，党派只能通过建立绿地分支机构来组织。他们可以赋予反对党资源，使支部成立成为可能，而当他们软弱时，他们只能充当替代党支部。这篇文章说明，当社会行动者缺席党派政治时，党派只能通过建立绿地分支机构来组织。他们可以赋予反对党资源，使支部成立成为可能，而当他们软弱时，他们只能充当替代党支部。这篇文章说明，当社会行动者缺席党派政治时，党派只能通过建立绿地分支机构来组织。