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“The US-India-China ‘Strategic triangle’: theoretical, historical and contemporary dimensions”
India Review ( IF 0.5 ) Pub Date : 2019-08-08 , DOI: 10.1080/14736489.2019.1662192
Harsh V. Pant

As the Narendra Modi-led National Democratic Alliance government settles in its second term with a plethora of foreign policy challenges looming large, it faces unusual headwinds from what should be a “natural partner” – the United States – on both economic and strategic fronts. In June 2019, the Trump administration announced the revocation of India’s special trade status on the grounds that “India had not assured the US that it will provide equitable and reasonable access to its market.” Special trade status, also known as the Generalized System of Preferences allows duty-free imports of goods up to US$5.6 billion into the United States from India. This trade dispute has been brewing for some time. In 2018, Washington had imposed tariffs on steel and aluminum exported from India under section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 on the grounds of national security. A series of protective measures against India led to a tit-for-tat response from New Delhi which imposed tariffs of $235 million on US goods worth $1.4 billion, prompting speculation about growing Indo-US tensions with trade as the focal point. Yet, despite negative headlines dominating the Indo–US diplomatic engagements in recent months, the underpinnings of the relationship remain robust. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, at the 44th annual meeting of the US-India Business Council, pointed out the idea of a US–India partnership isn’t new and had been in the offing for seven decades, since India won independence: “Our two democracies and a close relationship seemed inevitable, a matter of ‘when’ not ‘if.’” He went on to highlight the advances made in Indo–US relations under the Trump administration and need for both countries to cooperate further in the Indo-Pacific region and the world at large. Former acting US Secretary of Defense Patrick Shanahan echoed similar sentiments during the Shangri-La dialog in Singapore, hailing US–India defense relations and India as a major defense partner. Pompeo’s address reflects India’s increasing centrality in US strategic calculations. A report on the Indo-Pacific, released in June 2019 by the Pentagon, emphasizes the value of the Indo-Pacific region to global trade and commerce: “We have an enduring commitment to uphold a free and open Indo-Pacific in

中文翻译:

“美印中‘战略三角’:理论、历史和当代维度”

随着纳伦德拉·莫迪 (Narendra Modi) 领导的全国民主联盟政府在其第二个任期内解决了大量迫在眉睫的外交政策挑战,它在经济和战略方面面临着来自本应是“天然伙伴”——美国的不同寻常的逆风。2019年6月,特朗普政府以“印度未向美国保证将提供公平合理的市场准入”为由,宣布撤销印度的特殊贸易地位。特殊贸易地位,也称为普惠制,允许从印度免税进口高达 56 亿美元的商品到美国。这场贸易争端已经酝酿了一段时间。2018 年,华盛顿以国家安全为由,根据 1962 年《贸易扩张法》第 232 条对从印度出口的钢铁和铝征收关税。针对印度的一系列保护措施导致新德里采取针锋相对的回应,对价值 14 亿美元的美国商品征收 2.35 亿美元的关税,引发人们猜测,以贸易为焦点的印美紧张局势加剧。然而,尽管最近几个月负面新闻占据了印美外交交往的主导地位,但两国关系的基础仍然强劲。国务卿迈克·蓬佩奥在美国-印度商业委员会第 44 届年会上指出,美印伙伴关系的想法并不新鲜,自印度赢得独立以来已经酝酿了七年:“我们的两个民主国家和密切的关系似乎是不可避免的,一个'何时'而不是'如果'的问题。”他接着强调了特朗普政府领导下印美关系取得的进展,以及两国在印太地区和整个世界进一步合作的必要性。美国前代理国防部长帕特里克·沙纳汉在新加坡香格里拉对话期间也表达了类似的观点,称赞美印防务关系和印度是主要的防务合作伙伴。蓬佩奥的讲话反映了印度在美国战略计算中的日益重要的地位。五角大楼于 2019 年 6 月发布的一份关于印太地区的报告强调了印太地区对全球贸易和商业的价值:’”他接着强调了特朗普政府期间印美关系取得的进展,以及两国在印太地区和整个世界进一步合作的必要性。美国前代理国防部长帕特里克·沙纳汉在新加坡香格里拉对话期间也表达了类似的观点,称赞美印防务关系和印度是主要的防务合作伙伴。蓬佩奥的讲话反映了印度在美国战略计算中的日益重要的地位。五角大楼于 2019 年 6 月发布的一份关于印太地区的报告强调了印太地区对全球贸易和商业的价值:’”他接着强调了特朗普政府期间印美关系取得的进展,以及两国在印太地区和整个世界进一步合作的必要性。美国前代理国防部长帕特里克·沙纳汉在新加坡香格里拉对话期间也表达了类似的观点,称赞美印防务关系和印度是主要的防务合作伙伴。蓬佩奥的讲话反映了印度在美国战略计算中的日益重要的地位。五角大楼于 2019 年 6 月发布的一份关于印太地区的报告强调了印太地区对全球贸易和商业的价值:美国前代理国防部长帕特里克·沙纳汉在新加坡香格里拉对话期间也表达了类似的观点,称赞美印防务关系和印度是主要的防务合作伙伴。蓬佩奥的讲话反映了印度在美国战略计算中的日益重要的地位。五角大楼于 2019 年 6 月发布的一份关于印太地区的报告强调了印太地区对全球贸易和商业的价值:美国前代理国防部长帕特里克·沙纳汉在新加坡香格里拉对话期间也表达了类似的观点,称赞美印防务关系和印度是主要的防务合作伙伴。蓬佩奥的讲话反映了印度在美国战略计算中的日益重要的地位。五角大楼于 2019 年 6 月发布的一份关于印太地区的报告强调了印太地区对全球贸易和商业的价值:
更新日期:2019-08-08
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