At the beginning of the new millennium, cautious hopefulness seemed justified, especially in the major countries of the Global South. Uncertainties were rife but possibilities for progressive change looked real. Analysts of Brazil reported that ‘politics seem like a testament to the possibilities of social-movement-driven change’ (Baiocchi et al., 2013: 217, cited in McKenna).1 In India, major social reform initiatives were being pushed forward, despite the ineffectuality of the Congress Party at the national level. In the Philippines, the mobilizational spirit of the ‘EDSA’ movements was still alive, despite inability to translate mobilization into a strong progressive regime. More generally, the number of countries in the world assessed to be democracies had reached an all-time peak while the number considered non-democracies was falling. Twenty years later the panorama is quite a a contrast. By the end of the second decade of the twenty-first century a surge of reaction was spreading across the global political economy. Brazil, India and the Philippines saw the rise of exclusionary regimes that prided themselves on restricting membership in the national communitas. Specifics varied but designating substantial segments of society as unworthy of receiving the social support owed to ‘genuine’ citizens was a shared agenda. Undermining standard ‘liberal democratic’ rights and norms that afforded protections for contestation and mobilization by the excluded was the necessary complement. Socially and economically marginal groups were easy targets and scapegoats. In some cases, religious minority groups – most dramatically Indian Muslims – were energetically persecuted. Where racism could be brought to bear, it was.2 Patriarchal misogyny gained ascendance in political culture. Reinforcement of traditional hierarchies of all sorts was the obvious companion of exclusion. All of this was more perplexing because it was accomplished largely within the shell of transitions that followed the formal rules of electoral democracy.

中文翻译：

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导言：二十一世纪排他性制度的兴起

在新千年伊始，谨慎的希望似乎是合理的，尤其是在全球南方的主要国家。不确定性普遍存在，但渐进式变革的可能性看起来是真实的。巴西分析家报告说，“政治似乎证明了社会运动驱动变革的可能性”（Baiocchi 等，2013：217，引自 McKenna）1。在印度，正在推进重大的社会改革举措，尽管国大党在国家层面上无效。在菲律宾，尽管无法将动员转化为强大的进步政权，但“EDSA”运动的动员精神仍然存在。更普遍的是，世界上被评估为民主国家的数量达到了历史最高点，而被认为是非民主国家的数量正在下降。二十年后，全景图形成了鲜明的对比。到 21 世纪的第二个十年末，一股反动情绪正在全球政治经济中蔓延。巴西、印度和菲律宾见证了以限制民族社区成员身份为荣的排他性政权的兴起。具体情况各不相同，但将社会的重要部分指定为不值得接受“真正”公民的社会支持是一个共同的议程。破坏为被排斥者的竞争和动员提供保护的标准“自由民主”权利和规范是必要的补充。社会和经济上的边缘群体很容易成为目标和替罪羊。在某些情况下，宗教少数群体——最引人注目的是印度穆斯林——受到强烈迫害。种族主义可以被施加，它就是。2 父权制厌女症在政治文化中占了上风。各种传统等级制度的强化显然是排斥的伴随。所有这一切都更加令人困惑，因为它主要是在遵循选举民主正式规则的过渡框架内完成的。