Reviewed by:

• Imperiofobia y leyenda negra: Roma, Rusia, Estados Unidos y el Imperio español by María Elvira Roca Barea, and: Imperiofilia y el populismo nacional-católico by José Luis Villacañas
• Duncan Wheeler

AS RECENTLY AS 2014, I argued that the dictatorship's co-option of the Golden Age had been rejected to an extent that it was seen as even more politically suspect for Spanish cinema to present life in early modern Spain in a positive light than to cast any approving glance at Francoist Spain (Duncan Wheeler, "Back to the future: repackaging Spain's troublesome past for local and global audiences," (Re)Viewing Creative, Critical and Commercial Practices in Contemporary Spanish Cinema, edited by Duncan Wheeler and Fernando Canet, Intellect, 2014, pp. 205–33, p. 227). Spain was long thought to be an outlier in relation to its European neighbors for not having a party of the extreme right. Progressive Spaniards were (too) quick to mock Vox as a kitsch anachronism, a refuge for oddballs nostalgic for Francoism. Establishing initial strongholds in Andalusia and Murcia, promotional videos featured party leader, Santiago Abascal, riding horseback and announcing a new Reconquest. Islamophobia was further promoted through Trump-like promises to build walls to prevent Moroccans and sub-Saharan Africans from crossing the frontier. Spurred on by a resurgent nationalism in the face of the [End Page 183] Catalan secessionist movement, the aggressively nationalist Vox was the third most voted-for party in the 2019 general elections.

Abascal has described the Black Legend as "obra de los enemigos de España" (Fernando Sánchez Dragó and Santiago Abascal, España vertebrada, Planeta, 2019, p. 124) and cites María Elvira Roca Barea's Imperiofobia approvingly (254). This surprise best seller (over one hundred thousand copies sold in Spain) by a secondary-school teacher from Murcia with a doctorate (and a nebulous connection to Harvard University) has also been championed by the Instituto Cervantes, a Madrid-based government agency created in 1991 in the buildup to the quincentenary celebrations of Columbus's voyage to the Americas, with the aim of promoting the study and teaching of Spanish language and culture. The reception of Roca Barea's polemic, described in José Luis Villacañas's rebuttal as "populismo intelectual reaccionario" (14), warrants attention, even and perhaps especially for those unsympathetic to its claims. Roca Barea has opted not to respond to the arguments made in Villacañas's book—"Agradezco al autor que se haya tomado tantas molestias con mi trabajo, pero lamento decir que no voy a hacer lo mismo con el suyo" (cited in El País, 4 Jun 2019, p. 28)—but putting the publications into dialogue serves to cast light on the privileged role the early modern period occupies in the cultural wars of contemporary Spain.

With a plethora of footnotes and references to literature and philosophy, Imperiofobia constitutes a (pseudo-)erudite correlative to the rhetoric rehearsed as early as 2008 by Santiago Abascal and Gustavo Bueno, long before they and their party Vox became major political players: "España es, sobre todo, la realización de esa gran empresa imperial por lo que, y como corolario suyo, se llega a comprobar que el planeta es una esfera, un globo circunvalado por primera vez precisamente por España: 'tú me diste la vuelta', tal es la divisa que regala Carlos I al vasco Elcano" (En defensa de España. Razones para el patriotismo español, Fundación para la defensa de la nación española y Ediciones Encuentro, 2008, pp. 33–34). The resurrection of such neo-Francoist rhetoric has been facilitated by Spanish democracy's selective memory. It was under the PSOE government in the 1980s that 12 October—the date that Columbus first set foot on American soil—was declared a national bank holiday, the "día de la raza" (baptized thus by King Alfonso XIII in 1918 and subsequently celebrated with fanfare throughout...

审核人：

• Imperiofobia y leyenda negra: Roma, Rusia, Estados Unidos y el Imperio español by María Elvira Roca Barea，以及：Imperiofilia y el populismo nacional-católico by José Luis Villacañas
• 邓肯惠勒

就在 2014 年，我认为独裁统治对黄金时代的共同选择已被拒绝，以至于西班牙电影以积极的方式呈现早期现代西班牙的生活，而不是投射任何东西，在政治上更令人怀疑。对弗朗索瓦西班牙的赞许（邓肯·惠勒，“回到未来：为本地和全球观众重新包装西班牙的麻烦过去”，（重新）观看当代西班牙电影中的创意、批判和商业实践，由 Duncan Wheeler 和 Fernando Canet 编辑，Intellect，2014 年，第 205-33 页，第 227)。长期以来，西班牙因其没有极右翼政党而被认为是与其欧洲邻国相比的局外人。进步的西班牙人（太）很快就嘲笑 Vox 是一种媚俗的时代错误，是怀念佛朗哥主义的古怪人士的避难所。在安达卢西亚和穆尔西亚建立最初的据点，宣传视频展示了党的领袖圣地亚哥·阿巴斯卡尔骑马并宣布新的收复失地。通过类似特朗普的承诺建造隔离墙以防止摩洛哥人和撒哈拉以南非洲人越过边境，伊斯兰恐惧症得到进一步促进。受到民族主义的鼓舞，面对[End Page 183] 加泰罗尼亚分离主义运动，激进的民族主义 Vox 是 2019 年大选中第三多得票的政党。

Abascal 将黑色传奇描述为“obra de los enemigos de España”（Fernando Sánchez Dragó 和 Santiago Abascal，España vertebrada，Planeta，2019，第 124 页）并引用了 María Elvira Roca Barea 的Imperiofobia赞同 (254)。这本出人意料的畅销书（在西班牙售出超过 10 万册），出自穆尔西亚（Murcia）的一位拥有博士学位的中学教师（与哈佛大学关系不明），也得到了位于马德里的政府机构塞万提斯学院的支持1991 年，为庆祝哥伦布航行到美洲五百周年，旨在促进西班牙语言和文化的研究和教学。Roca Barea 的论战在 José Luis Villacañas 的反驳中被描述为“populismo intellectual reaccionario”（14），值得关注，甚至可能尤其是对于那些不同情其主张的人。罗卡·巴里亚选择不回应维拉卡尼亚斯书中的论点——”El País，2019 年 6 月 4 日，第 4 页。28)——但将出版物纳入对话有助于揭示早期现代时期在当代西班牙文化战争中所占据的特权角色。

Imperiofobia有大量的脚注和对文学和哲学的引用，构成了一种（伪）博学，与早在 2008 年由圣地亚哥·阿巴斯卡尔和古斯塔沃·布埃诺（Santiago Abascal 和 Gustavo Bueno）排练的修辞相关联，早在他们和他们的政党 Vox 成为主要政治参与者之前：“西班牙es, sobre todo, la realización de esa gran empresa Imperial por lo que, y como corolario suyo, se llega a comprobar que elplaneta es una esfera, un globo circunvalado por primea vez precisamente por España, vá la de la realización de esa gran empresa Imperial por lo que, tal es la divisa que regala Carlos I al vasco Elcano" (En defensa de España. Razones para el patriotismo español, Fundación para la defensa de la nación española y Ediciones Encuentro, 2008, pp. 33–34)。西班牙民主的选择性记忆促进了这种新弗朗哥主义言论的复活。1980 年代在 PSOE 政府的领导下，10 月 12 日——哥伦布首次踏上美国土地的日期——被宣布为国家银行假日，即“día de la raza”（1918 年由阿方索十三世国王施洗，随后庆祝大张旗鼓地...