Velasco and Hernández present the reader with a comprehensive in-depth analysis and a theoretically insightful—if at times underdeveloped—consideration of indigenous migration to Baja California Sur, home to tourism and agricultural exportation. The book also contains 40 black-and-white and 40 color illustrations. Based on extensive fieldwork and interviews, the study also relies on an exhaustive summary of statistics concerning the indigenous population of the state based on data published by the Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía, the Colegio de la Frontera Norte, and the Comisión Nacional para el Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indígenas and other sources. For example, they show that indigenous migrants—defined as those who speak an indigenous language or consider themselves indigenous without speaking an indigenous language—to Baja California Sur has increased from 4.9 percent of all migrants to the state in 1990 to 22.6 percent in 2015. Among the other patterns revealed are that there are increasing numbers who identify themselves as indigenous but do not speak an indigenous language; that there has been a diversification of source states from primarily Oaxaca and Guerrero to Veracruz, Puebla, and Chiapas; that because of the increasing importance of agriculturalexport regions, there has in some cases been a shift from family migration to individual male migration; and that although temporary and circular migration continues, many families have settled in the most marginalized colonias (neighborhoods) of urban centers or continue to be trapped in agricultural labor camps. Velasco and Hernández advance the idea of regional economic enclaves marked by ethnicization/racialization that is linked to intensive labor exploitation. Moving beyond the dependentista idea of economic enclaves formed by international interests in the exploitation of agricultural and mineral resources, they suggest that such enclaves, under the forces of neoliberalism and globalization, may be fostered by national and local as well as international capital. They hold that these regional economic enclaves contain natural and human resources that provide a link between the global and the local. Unfortunately, the theoretical treatment of this link is relegated to a few pages. Velasco and Hernández are concerned with two specific types of regional economic enclaves: touristic and agricultural. The tourist enclave on which they focus is the municipality of Los Cabos, encompassing San José del Cabo and Cabo San Lucas, where 45.6 percent of the indigenous population is concentrated. Indigenous families

中文翻译：

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向南下加利福尼亚州的土著移民：区域经济飞地和种族隔离

Velasco 和 Hernández 向读者展示了对土著向南下加利福尼亚州迁移的全面深入的分析和理论上有见地的（如果有时不发达）考虑，这里是旅游业和农业出口的故乡。这本书还包含 40 张黑白插图和 40 张彩色插图。基于广泛的实地调查和访谈，该研究还依赖于根据国家地理和地理研究所、Colegio de la Frontera Norte 和 Comisión Nacional para el 发布的数据对该州土著人口进行的详尽统计总结。 Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indígenas 和其他来源。例如，他们表明，南下加利福尼亚州的土著移民——定义为说土著语言或认为自己是土著而不说土著语言的人——已从 1990 年该州所有移民的 4.9% 增加到 2015 年的 22.6%。揭示的模式是，越来越多的人认为自己是土著，但不会说土著语言；从主要是瓦哈卡州和格雷罗州到韦拉克鲁斯州、普埃布拉州和恰帕斯州，源州已经多样化；由于农业出口地区的重要性日益增加，在某些情况下已经从家庭移民转向个体男性移民；尽管临时和循环迁移仍在继续，许多家庭定居在城市中心最边缘化的殖民地（街区）或继续被困在农业劳改营中。Velasco 和 Hernández 提出了以种族化/种族化为标志的区域经济飞地的想法，这与密集的劳动剥削有关。超越由国际利益在农业和矿产资源开发中形成的经济飞地的依赖主义思想，他们认为，在新自由主义和全球化的力量下，这些飞地可能会受到国家和地方以及国际资本的培育。他们认为，这些区域经济飞地包含了连接全球和地方的自然资源和人力资源。不幸的是，这个链接的理论处理被降级为几页。Velasco 和 Hernández 关注两种特定类型的区域经济飞地：旅游和农业。他们关注的旅游飞地是洛斯卡沃斯市，包括圣何塞德尔卡波和卡波圣卢卡斯，45.6% 的土著人口集中在那里。原住民家庭