This issue is concerned with the salience of “popular feminism” as an analytic category for naming the myriad contemporary forms of gendered awareness and agency appearing among Latin America’s poor, working-class and racialized¹ communities. Although we have an analytic agenda, our underlying concern here is with the politics of feminism—the construction of intersectional feminist praxes of gender, race, and economic justice and their relation to other projects for social justice. Our focus on popular feminism addresses the relationship between the subaltern² subjectivities of marginalized women, their relation to feminist political agency, and the relation of both to mixed-gender efforts for social transformation on the broader left. Although it may be a current within them, popular feminism is distinct from the mass feminisms on the streets and online, the “feminisms of the 99 percent,” that have gripped the continent in recent years. It is the feminism of the poor and the subaltern, whose concerns for gender justice are inescapably co-constituted with their collective struggles for material, cultural and psychic survival against racist violence, land dispossession, environmental despoliation, and economic deprivation. One well-known contemporary example of self-identified popular feminism is that of the Consejo Cívico de Organizaciones Populares y Indígenas de Honduras (Civic Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras—COPINH) whose founder, Berta Cáceres, a recipient of the Goldman Environmental Prize, was assassinated in 2016. Her assassination signaled retribution for COPINH’s hard-fought struggle against the rapacious capitalist, patriarchal, and colonizing practices destroying the land, rivers, and lives of the Lenca people. COPINH activists recently participated in an International Feminist Organizing School involving 200 grassroots feminists from around the world organized by the World – a popular feminist initiative March of Women, among others.³

中文翻译：

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引言重新考虑大众女权主义：争论中的流行、种族化和非殖民主义主体

这个问题关注的是“流行女权主义”作为一个分析类别的显着性，用于命名出现在拉丁美洲贫困、工人阶级和种族化¹社区中的无数当代形式的性别意识和能动性。尽管我们有一个分析议程，但我们在这里的根本关注是女权主义的政治——性别、种族和经济正义的交叉女权主义实践的构建及其与其他社会正义项目的关系。我们对流行女权主义的关注解决了底层²之间的关系边缘化妇女的主体性，她们与女权主义政治机构的关系，以及两者与更广泛左翼社会变革的混合性别努力的关系。尽管这可能是他们内部的潮流，但流行女权主义与街头和网络上的大众女权主义不同，后者是近年来席卷非洲大陆的“99% 的女权主义”。这是穷人和底层的女权主义，她们对性别正义的关注不可避免地与他们为物质、文化和精神生存而反对种族主义暴力、土地剥夺、环境剥夺和经济剥夺的集体斗争共同构成。当代自我认同的流行女权主义的一个著名例子是 Consejo Cívico de Organizaciones Populares y Indígenas de Honduras（洪都拉斯人民和土著组织公民委员会 - COPINH），其创始人 Berta Cáceres 是高盛环境奖获得者Prize，于 2016 年被暗杀。她的暗杀标志着 COPINH 对破坏土地、河流和 Lenca 人民生活的贪婪资本主义、父权制和殖民主义做法的艰苦斗争的报复。COPINH 活动家最近参加了由 World 组织的国际女权主义组织学校，该学校有来自世界各地的 200 名草根女权主义者——这是一项受欢迎的女权主义倡议“妇女游行”等。作为高盛环境奖的获得者，她于 2016 年被暗杀。她的暗杀标志着 COPINH 对掠夺性资本主义、父权制和殖民主义行为的艰苦斗争的报复，这些行为破坏了 Lenca 人的土地、河流和生活。COPINH 活动家最近参加了由 World 组织的国际女权主义组织学校，该学校有来自世界各地的 200 名草根女权主义者——这是一项受欢迎的女权主义倡议“妇女游行”等。作为高盛环境奖的获得者，她于 2016 年被暗杀。她的暗杀标志着 COPINH 对破坏土地、河流和伦卡人生活的贪婪资本主义、父权制和殖民行为的艰苦斗争的报复。COPINH 活动家最近参加了由 World 组织的国际女权主义组织学校，该学校有来自世界各地的 200 名草根女权主义者——这是一项受欢迎的女权主义倡议“妇女游行”等。³