In recent years, the social and legal norms disciplining gender and sexuality have been a prime terrain for political struggles. There have been some notable successes, such as the wave of legal reforms which have enshrined the rights of same-sex couples to enter into different types of intimate unions – albeit in different forms and with different rights in different countries. Other forms of gender-based discrimination, however, remain widespread, attesting to the persistence of the norms which organise social relationships into power-laden hierarchies. In particular, mainstream media have recurrently, albeit selectively, highlighted cases of sexual abuse and harassment in which its protagonists were mainly men in powerful positions demanding, expecting, and/or forcing sex in ‘exchange’ for access to economic assets they controlled. At the time of writing this Introduction, in fact, a new sexual scandal erupted following a report in the New York Times, which provoked a wave of accusations of sexual harassment and rape against the successful Hollywood film producer, Harvey Weinstein. As the Contexts and Debates discussion by Andrea Hajek opening this special issue will highlight, in Italy, by contrast, the echoes of this rebellion against sexual violence have taken a peculiarly nationalist and chauvinist turn. Among the first accusers of Weinstein, in fact, was the Italian actress Asia Argento. In contrast to the way in which other actresses were treated in the (international) press, in Italy Argento received much criticism, and only very few voices have dared to question the gendered relations of power that make this form of sexual abuse both possible and widespread. In fact, victim blaming and ‘slut shaming’ occur regularly in Italian society, in diverse work settings and geographical locations, online as well as offline – as the contribution of Mainardi in this special issue will discuss. Particularly illustrative is the case of a 13-year-old girl who was raped over a two-year period by a group of young men from her home town. Among the reasons for the delayed denunciation of the abuse was the powerful position of some of her abusers, who included the son of a local carabiniere. More importantly, when the girl eventually found the courage to report them, many people – especially in her home town – failed to empathise with her ordeal, expressing judgements best summarised by the town’s mayor: ‘Quella se l'è andata a cercare’ (‘she brought it upon herself’). Another infamous case that tragically epitomises the

中文翻译：

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当代意大利的性与权力：性别规范、能动性和社会转型之间的主观性

近年来，规范性别和性行为的社会和法律规范一直是政治斗争的主要领域。已经取得了一些显着的成功，例如法律改革浪潮，其中规定同性伴侣有权缔结不同类型的亲密结合——尽管形式不同，在不同的国家拥有不同的权利。然而，其他形式的基于性别的歧视仍然普遍存在，这证明了将社会关系组织成充满权力的等级制度的规范的持续存在。特别是，主流媒体反复（尽管是有选择地）强调性虐待和性骚扰的案例，在这些案例中，其主角主要是身居要职的男性，他们要求、期待和/或强迫性行为以“交换”他们控制的经济资产。事实上，在撰写本文时，《纽约时报》的一篇报道引发了新的性丑闻，引发了对成功的好莱坞电影制片人哈维·韦恩斯坦 (Harvey Weinstein) 的性骚扰和强奸指控。相比之下，安德里亚·哈耶克 (Andrea Hajek) 在本期特刊开篇的“背景与辩论”(Contexts and Debates) 讨论将突出显示，相比之下，在意大利，这种反抗性暴力的呼声已经转向了一种特殊的民族主义和沙文主义转向。事实上，韦恩斯坦的第一批指控者是意大利女演员亚细亚·阿金托。与（国际）媒体对待其他女演员的方式相反，在意大利 Argento 受到了很多批评，只有极少数声音敢于质疑使这种形式的性虐待成为可能并普遍存在的性别权力关系. 实际上，受害者指责和“荡妇羞辱”经常发生在意大利社会、不同的工作环境和地理位置、线上和线下——正如 Mainardi 在本期特刊中的贡献一样。一个 13 岁的女孩被她家乡的一群年轻男子强奸了两年，这一案例尤其具有说明性。推迟谴责虐待行为的原因之一是她的一些施虐者的权势，其中包括当地一名宪兵的儿子。更重要的是，当女孩最终鼓起勇气举报时，许多人——尤其是她家乡的人——未能同情她的遭遇，表达了镇长最能概括的判断：“Quella se l'è andata a cercare”（ '她自己带来的'）。另一个臭名昭著的案例悲惨地概括了