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Rachel Spronk, Ambiguous Pleasures: sexuality and middle class self-perceptions in Nairobi. New York NY and Oxford: Berghahn Books (hb US$135/£99 – 978 0 85745 478 2; pb US$34.95/£27.95 – 978 1 78238 530 1). 2012/2014, xi + 310 pp.
Africa ( IF 1.2 ) Pub Date : 2020-05-01 , DOI: 10.1017/s0001972020000170
Julia Pauli

gelled with the ANC’s calls for ‘people’s education’ and because a prospective black middle class had its children pencilled in to attend elite schools. Cole also asks whether, after democracy, whites have moved into historically black spaces, such as township shebeens. On the whole, the answer is no. Desegregation has been a one-way street. Black people with the means have moved out of spaces designated for them by apartheid’s racial engineers, but spaces built for those classified as African have remained overwhelmingly black. That the ANC did not dramatically change South Africa’s apartheid geography nor reconfigure hierarchies of prestige – certainly not in the way that Afrikaner nationalists did by promoting Afrikaans in the apartheid era – undergirds the continued power of white tone. There are certainly examples when whites have clung to power, but schooling allows us to see how most whites supported the desegregation process on certain conditions. Key to this was that white institutions would maintain their power and prestige and be accessible through money. Finally, what I hope that an analysis of white tone does – and that neither white privilege nor a term such as ‘class apartheid’ can do – is to show the systemic processes that lead to underprivilege. The great losers of South Africa’s democratic transition are poor, especially rural, black South Africans, who often leave school not only with limited qualifications but also without the cultural dispositions valued in a society: for example, being able to speak acceptable English – that is, English with the ‘right’ (in certain respects ‘white’) accent.

中文翻译:

Rachel Spronk,暧昧的快乐:内罗毕的性欲和中产阶级的自我认知。纽约纽约和牛津:Berghahn Books(135 美元/99 英镑 – 978 0 85745 478 2;34.95 美元/27.95 英镑 – 978 1 78238 530 1)。2012/2014,xi + 310 页。

对非洲人国民大会对“人民教育”的呼吁以及未来的黑人中产阶级的孩子们用铅笔写进精英学校的呼声感到困惑。科尔还询问,在民主之后,白人是否已经进入了历史悠久的黑人空间,例如乡镇 Shebeens。总的来说,答案是否定的。废除种族隔离一直是一条单行道。有能力的黑人已经搬出了种族隔离的种族工程师为他们指定的空间,但为被归类为非洲人的人建造的空间仍然绝大多数是黑人。非国大并没有显着改变南非的种族隔离地理,也没有重新配置声望等级——当然不像南非白人民族主义者在种族隔离时代通过推广南非荷兰语所做的那样——巩固了白色调的持续力量。白人固守权力的例子当然有,但学校教育让我们看到大多数白人如何在某些条件下支持废除种族隔离的过程。关键在于,白人机构将保持其权力和声望,并且可以通过金钱获得。最后,我希望对白人基调的分析——以及白人特权和“阶级种族隔离”之类的术语都做不到——是展示导致贫困的系统过程。南非民主转型的最大输家是穷人,尤其是农村的南非黑人,他们离开学校时不仅学历有限,而且缺乏社会所重视的文化素质:例如,能够说可接受的英语——即,英语带有'正确'(在某些方面'白色')的口音。但是学校教育让我们可以看到大多数白人如何在某些条件下支持废除种族隔离的过程。关键在于,白人机构将保持其权力和声望,并且可以通过金钱获得。最后,我希望对白人基调的分析——以及白人特权和“阶级种族隔离”之类的术语都做不到——是展示导致贫困的系统过程。南非民主转型的最大输家是穷人,尤其是农村的南非黑人,他们离开学校时不仅学历有限,而且缺乏社会所重视的文化素质:例如,能够说可接受的英语——即,英语带有'正确'(在某些方面'白色')的口音。但是学校教育让我们可以看到大多数白人如何在某些条件下支持废除种族隔离的过程。关键在于,白人机构将保持其权力和声望,并且可以通过金钱获得。最后,我希望对白人基调的分析——以及白人特权和“阶级种族隔离”之类的术语都做不到——是展示导致贫困的系统过程。南非民主转型的最大输家是穷人,尤其是农村的南非黑人,他们离开学校时不仅学历有限,而且缺乏社会所重视的文化素质:例如,能够说可接受的英语——即,英语带有'正确'(在某些方面'白色')的口音。
更新日期:2020-05-01
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