Katz have demonstrated, an animating force in American Jewish and working-class politics. As a consequence, the concerns Bundists expressed for Arab workers in Palestine can only be read as naïve. There is, of course, an irony that Bundism ended with labor calling upon imperialist states to arm one group of workers against another. But by offering a whiggish narrative, rather than illuminating the dialectic between the different camps within Jewish labor, Howard offers no sense that this irony was tragic. Sewing the Fabric of Statehood presents clear evidence that American labor played a crucial role in building the State of Israel. But today’s political climate demands more of historians than charting what happened; it requires that we also consider what might have been. Perhaps unintentionally, Howard’s research opens the door for further inquiry into the historical making of a liberal Zionism that may be on its last legs. Brian Dolber

中文翻译：

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太少，几乎为时已晚：战争难民委员会和美国对大屠杀的反应 ed。拉斐尔·梅多夫

卡茨已经证明，这是美国犹太人和工人阶级政治中的一股生机勃勃的力量。因此，崩得主义者对巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯工人所表达的担忧只能被解读为幼稚。当然，具有讽刺意味的是，崩得主义以劳工呼吁帝国主义国家武装一组工人来对抗另一组工人而告终。但是，霍华德提供了一个发人深省的叙述，而不是阐明犹太劳动中不同阵营之间的辩证法，霍华德没有提供这种讽刺是悲剧的感觉。缝合建国结构清楚地表明，美国劳工在以色列建国中发挥了关键作用。但是今天的政治气候需要更多的历史学家而不是描绘发生的事情。它要求我们还考虑可能会发生什么。也许无意间，霍华德的研究为进一步探究自由主义犹太复国主义的历史形成打开了大门，该主义可能已走到最后。布赖恩·多伯