Environmental protection has often come at the expense of social justice. US conservation policy is generally hailed as the forerunner of the global environmental movement, but the dark side of that history is a shameful record of systemic bigotry, including the displacement and disenfranchisement of Native Peoples in the interests of land acquisition, and the selective enforcement of pollution laws and implementation of agricultural policies to disadvantage people of color. The sooner we have a serious reckoning with this history and its continuing damage, the better we may integrate ecology and justice, both in national policy and in our own professional behavior.

In the US, progress this spring has provided some hope. The Biden Administration has elevated to leadership positions many Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) whose experiences and interests will broaden the perspectives of the agencies and offices they lead. I applaud the appointments, among others, of US Interior Secretary Deb Haaland, Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Michael Regan, White House Council on Environmental Quality (CEQ) Chair Brenda Mallory, and CEQ Senior Director for Environmental Justice Cecilia Martinez, along with the nomination of Asmeret Berhe as Director of the Department of Energy’s Office of Science. This is as racially diverse a community of environmental and scientific leaders as has ever graced a US presidential administration. On the legislative side, in December, Congressman David Scott (D–GA) became the first Black chair of the US House of Representatives’ Agriculture Committee, and shortly thereafter invited Black farmers to testify before that committee for the first time about decades of discrimination by the US Department of Agriculture. This landmark testimony is the sort of reckoning needed in this field. These federal developments provide a strong model for action to counter the prevailing norms and power dynamics that create barriers to the recruitment, retention, and promotion of BIPOC and other underrepresented minorities (URMs) in science and the environment.

Progress is occurring on DEIJ, as has been reported in ESA’s Member Connection newsletter and Bulletin. These efforts are not new, however; they are the latest in a series of efforts to elevate DEIJ concerns within the ESA. ESA members have long been working to achieve the goals of environmental justice and representation of BIPOC and URM in the SEEDS Program and several ESA sections, including Black Ecologists, Environmental Justice, Inclusive Ecology, and Traditional Ecological Knowledge. Now, as ever, these efforts require ESA member involvement to be successful, and I encourage both rank-and-file and leaders (past, present, and future) to join, participate in, and support the SEEDS Program as well as these sections. We must also consider other ways we can contribute to ESA’s success in achieving goals that will better serve BIPOC, URMs, ESA, and the professional community of ecologists and environmental scientists. All our work benefits from inclusivity and integration.

Overcoming barriers to representation, equity, and justice requires leadership, allocation of resources, and intentional efforts to foster inclusivity. For my part, I welcome contact from URM (including BIPOC) researchers in ecological, environmental, and conservation science interested in publishing in Frontiers. I provide this welcome as a means to demystify the publishing process’s power dynamics and gain both understanding and access to excellent scholarship. And finally, I acknowledge that this editorial would not have seen the light of day without the help of representatives of the Environmental Justice section – among the other sections mentioned – and the SEEDS Program, and especially the wisdom and insight of Fred Abbott, Amber Finley, George Middendorf, Alison Mize, Teresa Mourad, Charles Nilon, Jorge Ramos, and Jeramie Strickland.

环境保护往往以牺牲社会正义为代价。美国的保护政策通常被誉为全球环境运动的先驱，但该历史的阴暗面是系统性偏见的可耻记录，包括为了土地征用而流离失所和剥夺土著人民的权利，以及选择性执行污染法和农业政策的实施使有色人种处于不利地位。我们越早认真对待这段历史及其持续的破坏，我们就可以更好地将生态与正义结合在国家政策和我们自己的职业行为中。

在美国，今年春天的进展带来了一些希望。拜登政府已将许多黑人、土著和有色人种 (BIPOC) 提升为领导职位，他们的经验和兴趣将拓宽他们领导的机构和办公室的视野。我赞赏美国内政部长德布·哈兰德、环境保护署署长迈克尔·里根、白宫环境质量委员会 (CEQ) 主席布伦达·马洛里和 CEQ 环境司法高级主任塞西莉亚·马丁内斯的任命，以及提名Asmeret Berhe 担任能源部科学办公室主任。这是一个种族多元化的环境和科学领导者社区，就像美国总统政府一样。在立法方面，12 月，国会议员大卫·斯科特 (D-GA) 成为美国众议院农业委员会的第一位黑人主席，此后不久首次邀请黑人农民在该委员会作证，讲述美国农业部数十年来的歧视行为。这个具有里程碑意义的见证是这个领域所需要的那种清算。这些联邦发展提供了一个强有力的行动模式，以应对现行规范和权力动态，这些规范和权力动态为 BIPOC 和其他科学和环境领域代表性不足的少数群体 (URM) 的招募、保留和晋升设置了障碍。此后不久，首次邀请黑人农民就美国农业部数十年来的歧视向该委员会作证。这个具有里程碑意义的见证是这个领域所需要的那种清算。这些联邦发展提供了一个强有力的行动模式，以应对现行规范和权力动态，这些规范和权力动态为 BIPOC 和其他科学和环境领域代表性不足的少数群体 (URM) 的招募、保留和晋升设置了障碍。此后不久，首次邀请黑人农民就美国农业部数十年来的歧视向该委员会作证。这个具有里程碑意义的见证是这个领域所需要的那种清算。这些联邦发展提供了一个强有力的行动模式，以应对现行规范和权力动态，这些规范和权力动态为 BIPOC 和其他科学和环境领域代表性不足的少数群体 (URM) 的招募、保留和晋升设置了障碍。

DEIJ 正在取得进展，正如 ESA 的 Member Connection 通讯和公告中所报道的那样. 然而，这些努力并不新鲜。它们是在欧空局内提升 DEIJ 问题的一系列努力中的最新一项。ESA 成员长期以来一直致力于实现环境正义的目标，并在 SEEDS 计划和几个 ESA 部门（包括黑人生态学家、环境正义、包容性生态学和传统生态知识）中代表 BIPOC 和 URM。现在，一如既往，这些努力需要 ESA 成员的参与才能取得成功，我鼓励普通人和领导者（过去、现在和未来）加入、参与和支持 SEEDS 计划以及这些部分. 我们还必须考虑其他方式，我们可以为 ESA 成功实现目标做出贡献，从而更好地为 BIPOC、URM、ESA 以及生态学家和环境科学家的专业社区服务。

克服代表、公平和正义的障碍需要领导、资源分配和有意识的努力来培养包容性。就我而言，我欢迎有兴趣在Frontiers 上发表文章的 URM（包括 BIPOC）生态、环境和保护科学研究人员联系. 我提供这种欢迎是为了揭开出版过程的权力动态的神秘面纱，并获得理解和获得优秀奖学金的机会。最后，我承认，如果没有环境正义部门代表（其中提到的其他部门）和 SEEDS 计划的代表的帮助，尤其是 Fred Abbott、Amber Finley 的智慧和洞察力，这篇社论就不会出现、乔治·米登多夫、艾莉森·米兹、特蕾莎·穆拉德、查尔斯·尼隆、豪尔赫·拉莫斯和杰拉米·斯特里克兰。