I write this review as tragic reports of sexual assault are unfolding in the highest echelons of power, from the prime minister's office in Canberra, Australia, to the governor's mansion in Albany, New York. This comes amidst a year of COVID lockdowns that have been associated with worsening reports of intimate partner violence (IPV) that have been described by the U.N. Secretary General as a “shadow pandemic.” And the major international agencies reporting the prevalence of violence against women confirm that the latest data—pre-COVID—mean that one in three women experience violence in the hands of a husband or boyfriend during their lifetime.

In the midst of ongoing and new tragedies reminding us of the urgency of preventing violence, this new volume, by feminist anthropologist Tasmin Bradley, provides important new insights. Beyond offering in-depth, context-specific insights into several different settings, the author shows the value of a gender lens and intersectional approach in understanding what works to end violence against women and girls (VAWG). An overarching argument, demonstrated in a range of contexts, is that activists on the ground working for and with survivors are fundamental to achieving the goal of ending all forms of VAWG. The book also provides a useful review and typology of programming to end VAWG in broad categories: behavioral change, public health campaigns and one-stop centers, school-based interventions, supporting social movements, and access to justice programming.

The author's nuanced treatment of norms provides important insights. While norms are clearly important, Bradley argues that an excessive focus on norms can underplay the role of the political and economic context. More generally, she argues, and shows, that the “web-like nature of our lives,” where a web of spheres and dimensions weave and combine in multiple ways, needs to be understood—because multiple factors can weave toxically together. This has implications for thinking about entry points, and which interventions are likely to bring about change. Knowledge alone, and even changing attitudes, is not sufficient; perpetrators of VAWG continue their violence even in contexts where there is a high level of acceptance that violence is wrong. A family may commit publicly to stopping female genital mutilation (FGM) but then go on to cut their daughters in private. She also warns that change is unlikely to be linear, not least because of embedded power relations and the risk of backlash.

The author is skeptical of behavioral change programs working with groups of men in specific locations—observed changes may not be sustainable change because, she argues, “they do not necessarily manage to alter the domination of discourses that sanction patriarchy and endorse VAWG.” It is well noted that attention needs to also focus on the influence of the political and economic context because “even when new ideologies emerge that support an end to localized violence, transformation is often slow or non-existent.”

The book argues that “underpinning” norms will shift only when women have resilience and a collective agency strong enough to respond to the backlash that change often brings. The argument is certainly persuasive, though I am not entirely sure that the case studies demonstrate these positive results in a range of settings.

One important area of inquiry is the role of religion. Bradley underlines that, while religious ideas are far from homogenous, “they are gendered and carry a certain authority that can feed into the construction of a social ecology that renders women inferior to men, and ultimately vulnerable to different forms of violence.” The review of efforts in Sudan by the government with international support to combat FGM, including by arguing that FGM is not a religious practice and enlisting religious leaders, is instructive. She underlines the importance of women and spaces at the grassroots levels in which harm and violence are being challenged.

Bradley argues—and many would agree—that “there are no magic bullets, and as such economic empowerment and income generation should be seen as components of a more integrated and nuanced approach to confronting—and ultimately ending—violence against women and girls.” Paid work outside the home may mean that women face sexual discrimination, intimidation, and violence in the workplace, as well as in public spaces during their commute, and for some, worse violence at home due to male backlash.

The chapters on Nepal and Pakistan provide valuable insights about economic opportunities. Women working in Kathmandu's construction sector are often overburdened in terms of their work at home and outside, yet “all of the women interviewed stated that they would work even if they did not need to. They talked about the material necessity, the need to earn money in order to buy food and pay for school fees, but most of the women also said that earning an income increased their confidence and meant that they could influence decisions at the household level ”(p. 89). However, many were also facing violence and harassment traveling on public transport to and from work, as well as violence in the home.

Bradley points out reasons to be optimistic about the future of women and girls in Nepal—given the 2015 constitutional commitment to gender equality, and the associated national gender equality and social inclusion framework working at all levels. However, she warns that the autonomy of women's networks and organizations needs to be preserved, and that such groups should not be instrumentalized. The fact that Nepal remains among the group of countries with the highest estimated current IPV prevalence—at 22 percent—underlines the size of the challenges faced.¹1 https://www.who.int/news/item/09-03-2021-devastatingly-pervasive-1-in-3-women-globally-experience-violence.

The chapters on Pakistan offer contrasts in the situation of relatively better off middle-class women working in the corporate sector and as entrepreneurs, with that of home-based workers. There is growing knowledge about the opportunities and constraints facing home-based workers through the efforts of networks like HomeNet South Asia and Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO). The picture of such workers doing subcontracting work in Lahore reveals that many are driven to this work by poverty and very low levels of income. However, their lack of mobility meant that home-based work was the only real option available. Some hid the work from their husbands, and many women faced violence, most often physical and verbal. Earning an income did not prevent violence yet, Bradley concludes, there is “undoubtedly a psychological benefit to earning income across different socio-economic contexts, even in very poor and violent situations such as those faced by home-based workers.” Organizations such as HomeNet can help to negotiate better work and pay conditions and provide peer support and advice, but there are limits to change given “the hostility of the environment and the limited employment options open to women because of the norms tying women to a domestic role.” (p. 167). Pakistan is also among the bottom dozen in the 167 countries ranked in the Women, Peace and Security Index, with weak achievements across each of the dimensions of inclusion, justice and security.²2 https://giwps.georgetown.edu/the-index/

One welcome finding from Pakistan—which otherwise “arguably has one of the most deeply discriminatory legislative and criminal justice systems in the world” (p. 126)—was that work-based harassment legislation had led to codes of conduct being enforced in some formal sector employment settings, and women interviewed who worked in these settings reported “an environment in which they felt safe and relatively supported” (p. 122).

Among the interesting areas of exploration is sex work. Based on qualitative interviews in Nepal and drawing on evidence from elsewhere, Bradley seeks the perspectives of sex workers in order to gain insights into the empowering impact that sex work may or may not bring. She points out that the violence represented through their profession must be seen relative to the extreme violence Nepali suffered in the home given dominant patriarchal systems. She argues that earning an income needs to be supported by an enabling environment with strong peer ties that serves to bolster individual agency and drive collective action. In Kathmandu, support in the informal entertainment sector is provided by a network of local organizations mostly run by women who themselves were sex workers, who have turned their backs on patriarchal convention and also campaign for safe and dignified lives for the women who have sought independence by working in the sector.

The volume usefully suggests practical ways forward. Chapter 2 presents and tests a continuum approach to measuring change in attitudes—from support, through recognizing as a problem but tolerating, through recognizing as a problem and the need for change—applied to FGM in the UK, although it can be used to measure shifts in relation to other forms of VAWG, from IPV through to work-based harassment.

A key upshot worthy of a broad audience is that approaches to intervention need to be nimble enough to weave across and between interlocking layers. Bradley underlines the importance of open spaces to hear and see the challenge that change agents are experiencing and voicing on a daily basis, building on existing groups and resources. “Top-down campaigns capture global attention and funding, but will not transform social norms unless they are responsive to the work already going on and are able to harness the agency of women who battle and navigate violence on a daily basis.”

Finally, Tasmin Bradley importantly underlines the point that, while programming is moving in appropriate directions, “reversing deeply engrained patterns of violence will not happen quickly.” We need to remind funders that the current and increased levels of resourcing will be required not just for years, but for a number of generations.

我写这篇评论是因为性侵犯的悲惨报道在权力的最高层级上演，从澳大利亚堪培拉的总理办公室到纽约奥尔巴尼的州长官邸。这是在一年的 COVID 封锁期间发生的，这些封锁与不断恶化的亲密伴侣暴力 (IPV) 报告有关，联合国秘书长将其描述为“影子大流行”。报告暴力侵害妇女行为盛行的主要国际机构证实，最新数据（COVID 之前的数据）意味着三分之一的妇女在其一生中经历过丈夫或男朋友的暴力行为。

在不断发生的新悲剧提醒我们预防暴力的紧迫性，这本由女权主义人类学家塔斯明·布拉德利 (Tasmin Bradley) 撰写的新书提供了重要的新见解。除了提供对几种不同环境的深入、特定于上下文的见解之外，作者还展示了性别视角和交叉方法在理解什么有助于结束暴力侵害妇女和女童行为 (VAWG) 方面的价值。在一系列背景下证明的一个总体论点是，在实地为幸存者工作并与幸存者一起工作的积极分子对于实现结束所有形式的 VAWG 的目标至关重要。本书还提供了有用的回顾和规划类型，以在广泛的类别中结束 VAWG：行为改变、公共卫生运动和一站式中心、基于学校​​的干预、支持社会运动、

作者对规范的细致处理提供了重要的见解。虽然规范显然很重要，但布拉德利认为，过分关注规范可能会低估政治和经济背景的作用。更一般地说，她论证并表明，需要理解“我们生活的网状本质”，其中一个球体和维度的网以多种方式编织和组合，需要理解——因为多种因素可以有毒地编织在一起。这对思考切入点以及哪些干预措施可能会带来变化有影响。仅靠知识，甚至改变态度，是不够的；即使在人们高度接受暴力是错误的情况下，VAWG 的肇事者仍会继续他们的暴力行为。一个家庭可能会公开承诺停止切割女性生殖器 (FGM)，但随后会继续私下切割女儿。她还警告说，变化不太可能是线性的，尤其是因为嵌入的权力关系和反弹的风险。

作者对在特定地点与男性群体合作的行为改变计划持怀疑态度——观察到的变化可能不是可持续的变化，因为，她认为，“他们不一定设法改变制裁父权制和支持 VAWG 的话语的统治地位。” 值得注意的是，注意力还需要集中在政治和经济背景的影响上，因为“即使出现支持结束局部暴力的新意识形态，转型也往往是缓慢的或根本不存在的。”

这本书认为，只有当女性具有韧性和强大的集体机构能够应对变化经常带来的反弹时，“基础”规范才会发生变化。这个论点当然是有说服力的，尽管我不完全确定案例研究在一系列环境中证明了这些积极的结果。

研究的一个重要领域是宗教的作用。布拉德利强调，虽然宗教观念远非同质化，但“它们具有性别特征并具有一定的权威，可以促进社会生态的构建，使女性劣于男性，并最终容易受到不同形式的暴力侵害。” 苏丹政府在国际支持下为打击女性生殖器切割所做的努力，包括通过辩称女性外阴残割不是一种宗教习俗和招募宗教领袖来审查苏丹的努力，具有指导意义。她强调了妇女和空间在伤害和暴力受到挑战的基层的重要性。

布拉德利认为——而且许多人会同意——“没有灵丹妙药，因此，经济赋权和创收应该被视为一种更加综合和细致的方法的组成部分，以应对——并最终结束——针对妇女和女孩的暴力行为。” 在家外的有偿工作可能意味着女性在工作场所以及上下班途中在公共场所面临性别歧视、恐吓和暴力，对于某些人来说，由于男性的强烈反对，在家中会遭受更严重的暴力。

关于尼泊尔和巴基斯坦的章节提供了有关经济机会的宝贵见解。在加德满都建筑行业工作的女性往往在家外工作负担过重，但“所有接受采访的女性都表示，即使不需要，她们也会工作。他们谈到物质上的需要，需要赚钱来购买食物和支付学费，但大多数女性还表示，赚取收入增加了她们的信心，意味着她们可以影响家庭层面的决定”（第 89 页）。然而，许多人还面临着上下班公共交通工具上的暴力和骚扰，以及家庭暴力。

布拉德利指出，鉴于 2015 年宪法对性别平等的承诺，以及相关的国家性别平等和社会包容框架在各级发挥作用，因此对尼泊尔妇女和女孩的未来持乐观态度的理由。然而，她警告说，需要保留妇女网络和组织的自主权，不应将此类团体工具化。尼泊尔仍然是目前估计 IPV 流行率最高的国家之一——为 22%——这一事实突显了所面临的挑战的规模。¹1 https://www.who.int/news/item/09-03-2021-devastatingly-pervasive-1-in-3-women-globally-experience-violence。

关于巴基斯坦的章节提供了在企业部门和企业家中相对富裕的中产阶级女性与在家工作的女性的情况的对比。通过 HomeNet South Asia 和 Women in Informal Employment: Globalizing and Organizing (WIEGO) 等网络的努力，人们越来越了解在家工作的工人所面临的机会和限制。这些工人在拉合尔从事分包工作的图片显示，许多人是因为贫困和收入水平极低而从事这项工作。然而，他们缺乏流动性意味着在家工作是唯一可行的选择。有些人对丈夫隐瞒工作，许多妇女面临暴力，最常见的是身体和语言上的。布拉德利总结说，赚取收入并不能阻止暴力行为，“毫无疑问，在不同的社会经济背景下，即使在非常贫穷和暴力的情况下，例如在家工作的工人所面临的情况下，赚取收入也会带来心理上的好处。” HomeNet 等组织可以帮助协商更好的工作和薪酬条件，并提供同伴支持和建议，但鉴于“环境的敌意和对妇女开放的有限就业选择，因为将妇女与家庭联系在一起的规范”，改变是有限度的。角色。” （第 167 页）。在妇女、和平与安全指数排名的 167 个国家中，巴基斯坦也是倒数十几个国家之一，在包容、正义和安全等各个方面都取得了微弱的成就。” HomeNet 等组织可以帮助协商更好的工作和薪酬条件，并提供同伴支持和建议，但鉴于“环境的敌意和对妇女开放的有限就业选择，因为将妇女与工作联系在一起的规范”，改变是有限度的。国内角色。” （第 167 页）。在妇女、和平与安全指数排名的 167 个国家中，巴基斯坦也是倒数十几个国家之一，在包容、正义和安全等各个方面都取得了微弱的成就。” HomeNet 等组织可以帮助协商更好的工作和薪酬条件，并提供同伴支持和建议，但鉴于“环境的敌意和对妇女开放的有限就业选择，因为将妇女与工作联系在一起的规范”，改变是有限度的。国内角色。” （第 167 页）。在妇女、和平与安全指数排名的 167 个国家中，巴基斯坦也是倒数十几个国家之一，在包容、正义和安全等各个方面都取得了微弱的成就。²2 https://giwps.georgetown.edu/the-index/

来自巴基斯坦的一项受欢迎的发现——否则“可以说是世界上歧视最严重的立法和刑事司法系统之一”（第 126 页）——是基于工作的骚扰立法导致行为准则在一些正式部门就业环境，在这些环境中工作的受访女性报告说“她们感到安全和相对受支持的环境”（第 122 页）。

有趣的探索领域之一是性工作。基于在尼泊尔的定性访谈并借鉴其他地方的证据，布拉德利寻求性工作者的观点，以便深入了解性工作可能会或可能不会带来的赋权影响。她指出，鉴于父权制占主导地位，尼泊尔人在家庭中遭受的极端暴力必须与他们职业所代表的暴力相比较。她认为，赚取收入需要得到具有强大同伴关系的有利环境的支持，这种环境有助于加强个人机构并推动集体行动。在加德满都，非正式娱乐部门的支持是由当地组织网络提供的，这些组织主要由她们自己是性工作者的女性经营，

该卷有益地提出了切实可行的前进方向。第 2 章介绍并测试了一种连续统一的方法来衡量态度的变化——从支持到认识到问题但容忍，通过认识到问题和改变的需要——适用于英国的女性生殖器切割，尽管它可以用来衡量与其他形式的 VAWG 相关的转变，从 IPV 到基于工作的骚扰。

值得广大受众关注的一个关键结果是，干预方法需要足够灵活，以在互锁层之间交织。布拉德利强调开放空间的重要性，以听取和看到变革推动者每天所经历的挑战，并在现有群体和资源的基础上发表意见。“自上而下的运动吸引了全球的关注和资金，但不会改变社会规范，除非它们对正在进行的工作做出回应，并且能够利用每天与暴力作斗争和应对暴力的妇女的力量。”

最后，塔斯明·布拉德利 (Tasmin Bradley) 重要地强调了一点，即虽然节目正在朝着适当的方向发展，但“扭转根深蒂固的暴力模式不会很快发生。” 我们需要提醒资助者，当前和增加的资源水平不仅需要数年，而且需要几代人。