This article builds on computational tools to investigate the syntactic relationship between the highly related European national varieties of Dutch, viz. Belgian Dutch (BD) and Netherlandic Dutch (ND). It reports on a series of memory-based learning analyses of the post-verbal distribution of er “there” in adjunct-initial existential constructions like Op het dak staat (er) een schoorsteen “On the roof (there) is a chimney,’, which has been claimed to be among the most notoriously difficult variables in Dutch. On the basis of balanced datasets extracted from Flemish and Dutch newspaper corpora, it is shown that er’s distribution in both national varieties can be learned to a considerable extent from bare lexical input which is not assigned to higher-level categories. However, whereas this yields good results for ND, BD scores are consistently lower, suggesting that BD cannot do with lexical features alone to attain accuracy scores comparable to ND. This ties in with earlier findings that the more advanced standardization of ND materializes in a higher lexical collocability, whereas Flemish speakers need additional higher-level linguistic information to insert er.

本文基于计算工具来研究高度相关的欧洲民族荷兰语变体之间的句法关系，即。比利时荷兰语 (BD) 和荷兰荷兰语 (ND)。它报告了一系列基于记忆的学习分析，在诸如Op het dak staat (er) een schoorsteen “在屋顶（那里）有一个烟囱”等附加初始存在结构中er “there” 的后动词分布。 ，它被认为是荷兰语中最困难的变量之一。基于从佛兰芒语和荷兰语报纸语料库中提取的平衡数据集，表明er的在两个国家变体中的分布在很大程度上可以从没有分配到更高级别类别的裸词汇输入中得知。然而，虽然这对 ND 产生了良好的结果，但 BD 分数始终较低，这表明 BD 不能单独使用词汇特征来获得与 ND 相当的准确度分数。这与较早的发现有关，即 ND 的更高级标准化体现在更高的词汇搭配性中，而佛兰芒语使用者需要额外的更高级别的语言信息来插入er。