• Material Girls:An Introduction
• Sarah Levin-Richardson

You know that we are living in a material worldAnd I am a material girl

Madonna "Material Girl"

In the music video for her 1984 hit "Material Girl," Madonna commands the stage in the guise of a glamorous movie star wearing a strapless pink gown with matching full-length gloves. She is bedecked with elaborate diamond jewelry (necklace, bracelets, earrings), while a band of identically dressed, tuxedoed male suitors regale her with more jewels (ring, bracelets, armband). In studying women and gender in ancient Greece and Rome, dress and adornment figure as a major category of material evidence. Remains of actual clothing are rare, but scholars can look to the archaeological record—pins, jewelry, and weaving equipment, as well as visual representations of dressed bodies (including sculptures, vase paintings, and frescoes)—plus textual references to the ideological and social associations of various types of dress.

The household is another material realm often probed in discussions of gender and women. Scholars study architectural features, furnishings and objects, and the decoration of various types of housing; they can also explore the social and ideological functions of the house as represented in literature. The material culture of death and burial provides further evidence when studying ancient women and gender. Information is gleaned from the type, size, and location of funerary monuments, the text of epitaphs, the decoration of the tomb (e.g., representations of the deceased and/or objects), and whatever was deposited with the deceased's remains. These spheres of evidence can overlap in numerous ways, providing parallel forms of evidence for the same phenomenon. The production of cloth, for example, [End Page 61] can be identified in households by clusters of loom weights, while the ideological associations of domestic production are traced in visual art and in funerary epitaphs. Hence we are able to discern a long-lasting association between weaving and proper femininity. We also find evidence that reality and ideals did not always line up: the discovery of significant numbers of loom weights in building Z3 of the Athenian Kerameikos suggests that prostitutes, too, were involved in cloth production (Ault 2016).

Recent scholarship in these areas has brought critical attention to women's engagement with their material world in antiquity. Kelly Olson (2008; see also Olson 2017) and Mireille Lee (2015) show how dress and adornment articulated social differences (especially gender, but also class, ethnicity, age, and morality), while allowing women to actively take part in self-fashioning (for example, in their choice of cosmetics, jewelry, and hair style). Careful study of household assemblages by Lisa Nevett (1999) and Penelope Allison (2004) shows that women were omnipresent throughout the house (with the exception of andrones in housing of the Greek classical period, though we assume female entertainers were more than welcome) and that most spaces were multifunctional, with different activities and groups of users cycling in and out according to the time of the day, the presence or absence of guests, or other factors. Natalie Kampen's (1981) assessment of visual representations of workers (often funerary reliefs) remains influential in finding that lower-status patrons expressed pride in female workers, while middle- and higher-status patrons preferred to depict scenes of domestic industry and femininity (on the latter, see also Shumka 2008). In more recent scholarship, Leslie Shumka (2017) highlights how enslaved and freed Roman women deployed depictions of feminine toiletry objects—and the practice of self-care to which they allude—on their funerary monuments in order to exercise control in the face of economic and social marginalization. In addition, Maureen Carroll (2013) draws our attention to women in the provinces using depictions of local dress to proclaim their ethnic affiliation, in addition to participation in Roman norms of proper femininity.

The three essays in this special issue of Arethusa continue this exploration of women's engagements with the material world—engagements made particularly potent because of women's restricted access to many spheres of cultural production and power (e.g., literature and politics). Sherry Ortner (building on Simone de Beauvoir) famously brings attention to the ubiquity of such restrictions across cultures and historical time periods, suggesting that women are...

• 物质女孩：简介
• 莎拉·莱文·理查森（Sarah Levin-Richardson）

你知道我们生活在物质世界里，我是物质女孩

麦当娜“物质女孩”

在1984年的热门音乐录影带“ Material Girl”中，麦当娜以一位魅力四射的电影明星的身份登上舞台，穿着一身无肩带的粉红色礼服和相称的全长手套，身着迷人的电影明星。她的床头摆放着精美的钻石首饰（项链，手镯，耳环），而一群穿着相同，燕尾服的男求婚者则以更多的珠宝（戒指，手镯，臂章）来推销她。在研究古希腊和罗马的妇女和性别时，着装和装饰物是物质证据的主要类别。实际的服装遗存很少见，但学者们可以参考考古记录-别针，珠宝和编织设备，以及打扮得体的视觉表现形式（包括雕塑，花瓶画和壁画），以及对意识形态和文化的文字参考。各种服饰的社会协会。

家庭是经常在性别和妇女讨论中探讨的另一个物质领域。学者们研究建筑特征，家具和物件，以及各种房屋的装饰。他们还可以探索文学所代表的房屋的社会和意识形态功能。死亡和埋葬的物质文化为研究古代妇女和性别提供了进一步的证据。信息从丧葬纪念碑的类型，大小和位置，墓志文字，墓葬装饰（例如，死者和/或物体的代表）以及死者遗骸中存放的物品中收集。这些证据领域可以多种方式重叠，为同一现象提供平行形式的证据。布料的生产，例如[End Page 61]可以通过织机重量簇在家庭中进行识别，而家庭生产的意识形态关联则可以追溯到视觉艺术和丧葬墓志铭中。因此，我们能够辨别出编织与适当女性气质之间的持久联系。我们还发现现实和理想并不总是吻合的证据：在雅典Kerameikos的Z3楼中发现大量织机重量的现象表明，妓女也参与了布料生产（Ault 2016）。

这些领域最近的奖学金已引起人们对妇女在古代与物质世界互动的关注。凯利·奥尔森（Kelly Olson，2008年；又见奥尔森，2017年）和米雷里·李（Mireille Lee，2015年）展示了服饰如何表达社会差异（尤其是性别，还包括阶级，种族，年龄和道德），同时允许妇女积极参与自我维护。时尚（例如，在选择化妆品，珠宝和发型时）。丽莎·内维特（Lisa Nevett，1999）和佩内洛普·艾莉森（Penelope Allison，2004）对家庭组合的仔细研究表明，妇女在整个房屋中无处不在（安德罗妮斯除外）在希腊古典时期的住房中，尽管我们认为女性演艺人员非常受欢迎），并且大多数空间都是多功能的，不同的活动和用户群体会根据一天中的时间，有无宾客而进出自行车或其他因素。娜塔莉·卡彭（Natalie Kampen，1981）对工人的视觉表征（通常是丧葬救济）的评估在发现下层身份的顾客对女工表示自豪的同时仍然具有影响力，而中层和上层身份的顾客则倾向于描绘家庭行业和女性气质的场景（上）后者，另请参见Shumka 2008）。在最近的奖学金中，莱斯利·舒姆卡（Leslie Shumka，2017）着重介绍了奴役和获释的罗马妇女如何在其丧葬纪念碑上部署女性洗漱用品的描绘以及她们所提及的自我保健做法，以便在经济和社会边缘化的情况下行使控制权。此外，莫琳·卡洛尔（Maureen Carroll（2013））除了参加罗马适当的女性化规范之外，还通过使用当地服饰来称呼她们的族裔来吸引我们对各省妇女的关注。

本期《阿雷特萨（Arethusa）》中的三篇文章继续了对女性与物质世界互动的探索-由于女性无法进入文化生产和权力的许多领域（例如文学和政治），这种参与特别有效。雪利酒·奥尔特纳（Sherry Ortner）（建立在西蒙娜·德·波伏娃上）引起了人们的关注，即这种限制在整个文化和历史时期中普遍存在，这表明女性在...