Reviewed by:

• Cyprus Under British Colonial Rule: Culture, Politics, and the Movement toward Union with Greece, 1878–1954 by Christos P. Ioannides, and: The Cyprus Frenzy of 1878 and the British Press by Marinos Pourgouris
• Loizos Kapsalis (bio)

The island of Cyprus passed from Ottoman to British control with the signing of the Anglo-Turkish Convention in the summer of 1878. At that time, the British had only a vague knowledge of the island and its people. And yet, in Britain, the acquisition of the small and largely neglected Ottoman province was followed with curiosity and enthusiasm vastly disproportionate to its size. As Marinos Pourgouris notes, the occupation caused “an unparalleled frenzy” that was “more akin to fetish” (7).

In The Cyprus Frenzy of 1878 and the British Press, Pourgouris dissects this tremendous explosion of public interest in Cyprus through an examination of representations of the island in the writings of the first British journalists who traveled there to cover the occupation. The British press, he argues, played a most significant role in sustaining the sensation that dominated public discourse by “reporting, constructing, propagating and eventually solidifying colonial perceptions of the island” (2).

Previous work in Cypriot historiography—most notably by George Georgallides (1979) and Andrekos Varnava (2009)—has shown that British enthusiasm was misguided and ultimately short-lived. By the second decade of the twentieth century, the island was seen as “an inconsequential possession” rather than an imperial asset (Varnava 2009, 3). Pourgouris eschews the longue durée approach of earlier analyses, adopting instead what he calls a “microscopic gaze” (1) at a single historical moment: the first year of the British occupation. Perhaps more importantly, he views the British colonial apparatus not as a vast and impersonal bureaucratic machine, but rather as a small network of [End Page 230] politicians, military officers, and special correspondents linked to each other by close interpersonal relationships. Pourgouris draws parallels between these men and the “creole pioneers,” described by Benedict Anderson in his seminal Imagined Communities (1983), who possessed a “consciousness of connectedness” (Pourgouris, 2019, 21) even as they travelled around the world to take up positions as colonial administrators in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

In Chapters 3 through 8, Pourgouris follows six special correspondents commissioned by major British newspapers to report on the arrival and settlement of the British administration and army on Cyprus in 1878. In these chapters, the author painstakingly pieces together the body of work pertaining to Cyprus of each of these six individuals (a daunting task, since the majority of their writing, he notes, was published anonymously). A close reading of their writings brings to light how their sympathies and antipathies, their friendships and affiliations with colonial administrators, military men, and other British travelers, refracted their experiences on the island and their opinions of the colonial project. These interpersonal relations, Pourgouris shows, exerted a remarkable influence on their views of topics as varied as the island’s climate, the nature of its inhabitants, the issue of slavery, and matters of law.

A central node in the network of relationships, and a figure to which the narrative frequently returns, is Sir Garnet Wolseley, the first high commissioner of Cyprus (1878–1879). Sir Garnet, a highly decorated army man, is presented as a staunch pragmatist and cunning colonial administrator who demanded unwavering loyalty and discipline from his staff. In Cyprus, the backbone of the first British administration was formed by a select group of officers personally selected by the high commissioner. Pourgouris shows in Chapter 3 that, during his extensive military career, Sir Garnet developed a real distaste for journalists (he wrote a book about it), but also a keen awareness of the press as “ ‘a medium’ to achieve military objectives” (52). Throughout his short tenure as high commissioner, he took advantage of the affinity...

审核人：

• 克里斯托弗·P·约阿尼德斯（Christos P. Ioannides），1878–1954年，英国殖民统治下的塞浦路斯：文化，政治和与希腊的联盟运动，以及马里诺斯·普古格里斯（Marinos Pourgouris）1878年的塞浦路斯狂热和英国媒体
• Loizos Kapsalis（生物）

1878年夏天，《盎格鲁-土耳其公约》的签署使塞浦路斯岛从奥斯曼帝国移交给了英国控制。当时，英国人对这个岛及其人民只有一个模糊的认识。然而，在英国，人们对好奇心和热情的收购在很大程度上忽略了其规模，而这个小而广为人知的奥斯曼省被收购。正如Marinos Pourgouris所指出的那样，占领引起了“无与伦比的狂热”，“更加类似于恋物癖”（7）。

在1878年的《塞浦路斯狂热》和英国新闻中，Pourgouris通过考察第一批前往该国报道占领的英国记者的著作，剖析了塞浦路斯的这一巨大公众利益爆炸。他认为，英国媒体通过“报道，构建，传播并最终巩固该岛的殖民观念”，在维持主导公共话语的感觉方面发挥了最重要的作用（2）。

塞浦路斯史学方面的先前工作（最著名的是乔治·乔治哥里德斯（George Georgallides，1979）和安德烈科斯·瓦尔纳瓦（Andrekos Varnava，2009））表明，英国人的热情被误导了，并最终short花一现。到20世纪第二个十年，该岛被视为“无关紧要的财产”，而不是一种帝国资产（Varnava 2009，3）。Pourgouris避开了早期分析中的“ duuedurée”方法，而是在一个历史时刻即英国占领的第一年采用了他所谓的“微观注视”（1）。也许更重要的是，他不认为英国的殖民机构是一个庞大的非人事的官僚机构，而是一个很小的网络[End Page 230]政治家，军官和特别通讯员通过密切的人际关系相互联系。本尼迪克特·安德森（Benedict Anderson）在他的开创性的《想象的社区》（Imagined Communities）（1983）中描述了普古里人与这些“克里奥尔人先驱者”之间的相似之处，他在世界各地旅行时都具有“联系意识”（普古里斯，2019，21）。在18和19世纪担任殖民地行政官。

在第3章至第8章中，Pourgouris跟随英国主要报纸委托的六名特别记者对1878年英国政府和军队到达塞浦路斯的到达和定居进行了报道。在这些章节中，作者将与塞浦路斯有关的工作体力地拼凑在一起。这六个人中的每个人（艰巨的任务，因为他的大部分著作都是匿名出版的）。仔细阅读他们的著作，就可以看出他们的同情和反感，与殖民地行政官，军人和其他英国旅行者的友谊和从属关系如何折射出他们在岛上的经历以及对殖民项目的看法。普古里斯（Pourgouris）指出，这些人际关系极大地影响了他们对岛上气候等主题的看法，

关系网络的中心节点和叙事经常返回的人物是塞浦路斯第一任高级专员加内特·沃尔瑟利爵士（1877-1879年）。贾内特爵士（Garnet）爵士是一位极富品味的军人，他是一位坚定的实用主义者和狡猾的殖民地行政官，他要求其工作人员坚定不移的忠诚和纪律。在塞浦路斯，英国首届政府的骨干是由高级专员亲自选拔的一组官员组成的。普古里斯（Pourgouris）在第3章中指出，加内特爵士（Sir Garnet）在他广泛的军事生涯中，对记者产生了真正的反感（他写了一本书），但也敏锐地意识到新闻界是实现军事目标的“媒介”（ 52）。在担任高级专员的短暂任期内，他充分利用了亲密关系。