Reviewed by:

• Vanguard: How Black Women Broke Barriers, Won the Vote, and Insisted on Equality for All by Martha S. Jones
• Dwonna Naomi Goldstone

In the early pages of Vanguard, Martha Jones introduces readers to Susan Davis, her great-great-grandmother, who was born enslaved in Kentucky in 1840 but understood the importance of the vote. "Susan learned a critical lesson in those years," Jones writes, "without the vote, Black Americans had to build other routes to political power" (2). Because poll taxes, violence, and other extralegal tactics kept Black Kentuckians from the voting booth, Jones's great-great-grandmother "got busy" (2). With her friends and neighbors, Susan Davis worked to "form a Black women's club that linked them to thousands of women across the country, in a movement that would use political power to ensure the dignity of all humanity" (2).

Jones's book tells many stories about the work Black women did behind the scenes before the Voting Rights Act of 1965 protected Black people's right to vote. One of the strengths of Vanguard is the juxtaposition Jones makes between the White women's movement and the ways Black women forced White women to include them in larger discussions. For example, although Black women did not attend the Seneca Falls convention in 1848, the Black women of Seneca Falls gathered at the Wesleyan Methodist Church "to discuss their rights" (63). Sojourner Truth, who "became the first Black woman to join the new national women's movement," spoke out against those who compared the "conditions of 'women' against that of 'the slave'" (80). Truth and others also "introduced the issue of racism [End Page 504] into meetings called to combat sexism," something that White women saw as a "sidebar" and a "distraction." As Pittsburgh journalist Jane Swisshelm wrote, "The convention was not called to discuss the rights of color; and we think it was altogether irrelevant and unwise to introduce the question" (81).

While many of us learned about Truth's "Ain't I a woman?" speech in women's studies and African American studies classes, Jones's retelling of it at the May 1851 Ohio Women's Rights Convention in Akron was so good that I could imagine being in that audience and hearing Truth's voice. Jones writes, "once again Truth heard speakers compare the slave to the woman, much like she had in Worcester. This time, however, Truth responded" (81). Jones explains how Truth "reframed the convention" by "resetting its goals as defined from the perspective of Black women" (82). At an 1858 event, Truth "bared her breasts before an Indiana audience" in order to drive home "the fact that she was capable of nursing children—her own and those of white women—the surest test of a woman" (83). Truth's challenges to slavery and to racism "suggested that a woman's movement might take another direction, one that championed the broad interests of all humanity" (83).

Chapter 8, "Her Weapon of Moral Defense," is a good reminder of the work Black women did behind the scenes. Jones tells the story of Jessie De-Priest, the wife of Oscar DePriest, who in 1928 was the only African American member of Congress. When First Lady Lou Hoover planned to host Jessie DePriest and other lawmakers' wives at an afternoon tea, she had to assure carefully that DePriest's presence would not "trouble political alliances among white leaders" (207). According to Jones, "the occasion was uneventful" (208). When she later spoke about the tea back home in Chicago, DePriest told the nearly three hundred women at the Pilgrim Baptist Church that there had been "no excitement" and that she and "the other ladies at the party discussed problems as you and I might discuss" (209). DePriest, Jones writes, "took the public stage in Washington" with the "support of a community of Black women who had been casting ballots since 1913" (209).

In her conclusion, "Candidates of the People," Jones examines how the passage of the...

审核人：

• 先锋：玛莎·琼斯（Martha S. Jones）着，黑人妇女如何打破壁垒，赢得投票并坚持全民平等
• 唐娜·娜奥米·戈德斯通（Dwonna Naomi Goldstone）

在《先锋报》的前几页中，玛莎·琼斯（Martha Jones）向读者介绍了她的曾曾祖母苏珊·戴维斯（Susan Davis），她于1840年在肯塔基州被奴役，但深知投票的重要性。琼斯写道：“苏珊在那些年里学到了重要的一课，未经表决，美国黑人必须建立其他通往政治权力的途径”（2）。由于人头税，暴力和其他法外手段使黑人肯塔基人无法参加投票，琼斯的曾祖母“变得忙碌”（2）。苏珊·戴维斯（Susan Davis）与她的朋友和邻居一起，“建立了一个黑人妇女俱乐部，将他们与全国成千上万的妇女联系在一起，这一运动将利用政治力量确保全人类的尊严”（2）。

琼斯的书讲述了黑人妇女在1965年的《投票权法》保护黑人投票权之前在幕后所做的许多故事。先锋队的优势之一是琼斯在白人妇女运动与黑人妇女强迫白人妇女将其纳入较大讨论范围的方式之间并置。例如，尽管黑人妇女没有参加1848年的塞内卡瀑布大会，但塞内卡瀑布的黑人妇女聚集在卫斯理卫理公会教堂“讨论她们的权利”（63）。Sojourner Truth“成为第一个加入新的全国妇女运动的黑人妇女”，反对那些将“妇女的条件与奴隶的条件”进行比较的人（80）。真理和其他人也“参加了反对性别歧视的会议，”白人妇女认为这是“侧边栏”和“分散注意力”。正如匹兹堡新闻记者简·史威斯赫尔姆（Jane Swisshelm）写道：“没有召集公约来讨论有色人种权利；并且我们认为引入这个问题完全不相关且不明智”（81）。

当我们中的许多人了解了真相的“我不是一个女人吗？” 琼斯在妇女研究和非裔美国人研究班上发表演讲时，琼斯在1851年5月在阿克伦举行的俄亥俄州妇女权利大会上的讲话是如此出色，以至于我可以想象在听众中听到真相的声音。琼斯写道：“真相再一次听到说话者将那个奴隶与那个女人进行比较，就像她在伍斯特时一样。但是这次真相做出了回应”（81）。琼斯（Jones）解释了真相（Truth）如何通过“重新设定其目标从黑人女性的角度定义”来“改造公约”（82）。在1858年的一次盛会中，真相“向印第安纳州的听众展示了她的乳房”，以驱车回家，“事实证明，她有能力对孩子（自己的孩子和白人孩子的孩子）进行照料，这是对女人的最可靠的考验” （83）。真相对奴隶制和种族主义的挑战“建议妇女的运动可能朝着另一个方向发展，这捍卫了全人类的广泛利益”（83）。

第8章“她的道德防御武器”很好地提醒了黑人妇女在幕后所做的工作。琼斯讲述了奥斯卡·德普里斯特（Oscar DePriest）的妻子杰西·德普里斯特（Jessie De-Priest）的故事，他于1928年成为国会唯一的非洲裔美国人议员。当第一夫人娄·胡佛（Lou Hoover）计划在下午茶时接待杰西·德普里斯特（Jessie DePriest）和其他议员的妻子时，她必须谨慎地保证，德普里斯特的在场不会“扰乱白人领导人之间的政治联盟”（207）。琼斯认为，“场合很顺利”（208）。当她后来谈到在芝加哥回国的茶时，德普里斯特告诉朝圣者浸信会教堂的近三百名妇女，“当时没有激动”，她和“党中的其他女士们在讨论你和我可能遇到的问题”。讨论”（209）。

琼斯在其结论“人民候选人”中探讨了...