Predicate fronting with doubling (also known as the predicate cleft) has long been a challenge for theories of syntax that do not predict the pronunciation of multiple occurrences. Previous analyses that derive the construction via syntactic movement, including those attributing verb doubling to the formation of parallel chains (e.g., Aboh 2006; Kandybowicz 2008), are incompatible with remnant movement (Müller 1998), which does not give rise to doubling. This article presents data from the predicate fronting construction in Yiddish, in which verbs always double but complements never do. I argue that these seemingly contradictory pronunciation facts can be reconciled even if one assumes that phrasal movement and head movement are both syntactic. More specifically, the pronunciation of occurrences in Yiddish (doubled or not) follows from the general conditions on Spell-Out (or Transfer_pf) defined by Collins and Stabler (2016), modified only to accommodate syntactic head movement. Post-syntactic PF repairs are thus not required to account for the facts of the Yiddish predicate fronting construction. If such repairs are needed to generate doubling phenomena in other languages, they should be explicitly defined so as to modify or override the predictions of default Spell-Out conditions.

谓词前沿加倍（也称为谓词裂隙））长期以来一直是无法预测多次出现的发音的语法理论的挑战。以前的通过句法运动得出构造的分析，包括将动词加倍归因于平行链形成的分析（例如，Aboh 2006； Kandybowicz 2008），与剩余运动（Müller1998）不兼容，后者不会引起加倍。本文介绍了意第绪语中谓语前置结构的数据，其中动词总是加倍，但补语却没有。我认为这些看似矛盾的发音事实可以调和，即使假设短语移动和头部移动都是句法上的。更具体而言，意第绪语中出现的发音（加倍或不加倍）来自于Spell-Out（或Transfer _pf）的一般条件）由Collins和Stabler（2016）定义，仅进行了修改以适应句法头部的移动。因此，不需要进行语法后PF修复即可解决Yiddish谓词前沿构造的事实。如果需要进行此类维修以产生其他语言的加倍现象，则应明确定义它们，以便修改或覆盖默认“拼出”条件的预测。