In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

• Sovereign Impunity
• Maurice Crandall (bio)

Alexandra Harmon, Reclaiming the Reservation: Histories of Indian Sovereignty Suppressed and Renewed. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2019. viii + 410 pp. Figures, maps, notes, and index. $35.00.

As youths in the 1990s, my friends and I used to skateboard at the Clarkdale-Jerome School, a kindergarten-8th grade public school located in Clarkdale, Arizona. Situated on an upper stretch of Clarkdale’s Main St., the school is located directly across the street from the Yavapai-Apache Nation (YAN) Clark-dale Community. This portion of Main St. essentially divides the town into reservation and non-reservation: to the north is the reservation; to the south is the Clarkdale-Jerome School and the non-reservation part of Clarkdale. In those days, as now, skateboarding was strictly forbidden at the school, and town police would issue tickets for trespassing and destruction of property. Because the school is located on a hill with unobstructed views, we could easily see squad cars approaching and make our escape into the surrounding desert landscape.

Friends who had been skateboarding at the school for longer than me recounted one particular getaway strategy they had used in the past. In order to evade Town of Clarkdale Police, they would cross Main St., enter the reservation, and then wait for the cops to leave. At that time, Clarkdale police would not pursue skateboarders onto the reservation. My friends were pleased with their ingenuity; it was their “Medicine Line.” As an otherwise-ignorant teenager whose skateboarding friends were mostly non-Indigenous, I inherently understood the concept of competing tribal and non-tribal jurisdictions, even if I couldn’t articulate that the reason this strategy worked was that no jurisdiction-sharing agreement existed between my tribe and the Town of Clarkdale. It is a reality that all citizens of federally recognized tribes in the United States understand, and reminders such as this were and are constant.

Fast forward to June 2013. A citizen of my tribe, Dwayne Beauty, was brutally murdered during an evening of card-playing and drinking on the reservation. His killer, Mario Chagolla Jr.—who is not a YAN citizen—stabbed Beauty to death and then dismembered and burned parts of his body in an attempt to destroy evidence. Because the murder took place on the reservation, [End Page 113] and because it was committed by a non-tribal citizen, many layers of tribal, state, and federal jurisdictions were involved. In a trial that took several years to conclude, U.S. District Judge Diane Humetewa, who is Hopi, accepted Chagolla’s plea of voluntary manslaughter, which carries a sentence of ten to fifteen years.¹ Many YAN citizens were left feeling bitterly disappointed at the outcome. It was a chilling reminder that non-Indians can commit crimes on reservations, often against Indians, and escape significant punishment. How this can be, and continued efforts by Tribal Nations to counter such outcomes and exercise sovereignty, with particular focus on Oliphant v. Suquamish (1978), are at the heart of Alexandra Harmon’s Reclaiming the Reservation: Histories of Indian Sovereignty Suppressed and Renewed.

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One of Harmon’s major contributions comes early in the book, and a careless reader could easily miss its significance: “Reclaiming the Reservation is a story of Indian efforts to solve [the] non-Indian problem.” This “non-Indian problem” is rooted in the fact that centuries of Indian policy resulted in an influx of non-Indians living on reservation lands. These non-Indians “did not expect to live there by Indian or by federal rules” (p. 21). With this turn of phrase, Harmon has flipped the history of Indian law on its head. Just as borderlands scholars such as myself make the peripheries central places, this book demonstrates how much of Indian law and the pivotal cases in its long history hinge on Indians and reservation lands as central places, with non-Indians and colonial seats of power as the problem, not vice versa. Harmon’s early chapters demonstrate how legal decisions and doctrines rested on the conception of Indians as the problem, when the reality was that non-Indians were always the problem. While at the most fundamental level, the so-called...

中文翻译：

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主权有罪不罚

代替摘要，这里是内容的简要摘录：

• 主权有罪不罚
• 莫里斯·克兰德尔（生物）

亚历山德拉·哈蒙（Alexandra Harmon），《恢复保留：印度主权的历史被压制和更新》。西雅图：华盛顿大学出版社，2019年。viii + 410页。数字，地图，笔记和索引。$ 35.00。

1990年代的青年时代，我和我的朋友们曾经在位于亚利桑那州克拉克代尔市的克拉克代尔-杰罗姆学校（Clarkdale-Jerome School）玩滑板，这是一所幼儿园8年级的公立学校。学校位于克拉克代尔（Clarkedale）的Main St.的上段，就位于Yavapai-Apache Nation（YAN）克拉克代尔社区（Clark-dale Community）的街对面。Main St.的这一部分基本上将城镇分为保留区和非保留区：北部是保留区；北区是保留区。南部是克拉克代尔-杰罗姆学校（Clarkdale-Jerome School）和克拉克代尔的非保留区。与当时一样，在那段日子里，学校严格禁止滑板运动，镇警察将出具闯入和破坏财产的罚单。由于学校位于山丘上，视野开阔，因此我们很容易看到班车驶入，并逃脱到周围的沙漠景观中。

在学校里滑板的时间比我更长的朋友讲述了他们过去使用的一种特殊的度假策略。为了逃避克拉克代尔镇警察，他们将穿越Main St.，进入保留地，然后等待警察离开。当时，克拉克代尔警方不会追捕滑板手。我的朋友对他们的独创性感到满意；那是他们的“医学专线”。作为一个无知的少年，他的滑板朋友多为非土著人，我内在地理解了竞争性部落和非部落司法管辖区的概念，即使我无法明确指出该策略奏效的原因是不存在司法管辖区共享协议在我的部落和克拉克代尔镇之间。

快进到2013年6月。我的一个部落居民Dwayne Beauty在晚上玩纸牌和在保留地喝酒时被残酷地谋杀。他的杀手马里奥·查戈拉（Mario Chagolla Jr.）不是YAN市民，他将美人Beauty死，然后肢解并烧毁了他的身体，试图破坏证据。由于谋杀是在保留地上进行的[End Page 113]，并且是由非部落公民犯下的，因此涉及部落，州和联邦司法管辖区的许多层次。在一项历时数年的审判中，霍皮族的美国地方法院法官黛安·休梅特瓦接受了Chagolla对自愿杀人罪的认罪，该罪名被判处10至15年徒刑。^1个许多YAN市民对结果感到非常失望。令人不寒而栗的提醒是，非印第安人可以对保留犯下罪行，通常是针对印第安人的罪，可以逃避重大的惩罚。亚历山德拉·哈蒙（Alexandra Harmon）的《收回保留：抑制和恢复印度主权的历史》的核心内容是如何做到这一点，以及部落国家继续努力应对此类结果和行使主权，尤其是Oliphant诉Suquamish（1978）。

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Harmon的主要贡献之一是在书中提到的，一个粗心的读者很容易会错过它的意义：“收回保留地讲述了印度为解决非印度问题所做的努力。” 这个“非印第安人问题”源于一个事实，即数百年来的印度政策导致大量居住在保留地上的非印第安人涌入。这些非印第安人“不希望印第安人或联邦政府规定居住在那里”（第21页）。通过这样的表述，Harmon颠覆了印度法律的历史。正如我这样的边疆学者将周边地区作为中心地带一样，这本书展示了印度法律及其悠久历史中的关键案例有多少以印度人和保留地为中心，非印度人和殖民地的权力所在地为中心。问题，反之亦然。哈蒙（Harmon）的前几章说明了法律决定和学说是如何以印第安人为问题这一概念为基础的，现实是非印第安人一直是问题所在。在最基本的层面上，所谓的...