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Not Six Million nor Thirty Thousand: From "Holocaust Revisionism" to "State Terrorism" Denial in Argentina, 1945–2016
Journal of the History of Ideas ( IF 0.6 ) Pub Date : 2021-02-10 , DOI: 10.1353/jhi.2021.0007
Matías Grinchpun

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:

  • Not Six Million nor Thirty Thousand:From "Holocaust Revisionism" to "State Terrorism" Denial in Argentina, 1945–2016
  • Matías Grinchpun

INTRODUCTION: "NOT SO MANY"

In early 2016, Dario Lopérfido—then Buenos Aires city's minister of culture—made headlines when he claimed that "there were not thirty thousand desaparecidos (disappeared) in Argentina."1 This blunt statement sparked controversy, as many perceived it as an attempt to minimize the brutality and extent of the repressive plan undertaken by the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional (Process of National Reorganization, 1976–83). It did not stand alone, for this claim was also championed by apologists of the Armed Forces such as denouncer of so-called "terrorists" Cecilia Pando; self-proclaimed "revisionists" like Nicolás Márquez, and Center for Legal Studies on Terrorism and its Victims (CELTyV) co-founder Victoria Villaroel.2 All shared an ethos, presenting themselves as defenders of "historical truth," "complete memory," and "silenced victims" against "official [End Page 153] lies," such as the "idealist youth" and the "genocidal dictatorship."3 To some, Lopérfido not only flirted with "neo-negationism" but also expressed the stance of his party, PRO, which had controlled the national government since business mogul Mauricio Macri won Argentina's 2015 presidential election. Certainly, members of the new administration had shown a more dismissive position toward human rights violations in the 1970s than the Kirchner governments.4 This stance coincided with some of their supporters' expectations, as the day after Macri's victory, La Nación—a major conservative newspaper—published an editorial that showed the change of government as an invaluable opportunity to suspend "vengeance," leave the past behind, and reunite the country.5 Although later removed from his post, Lopérfido was backed by Chief of Customs Juan José Gómez Centurión—for whom "eight thousand truths do not equal twenty-two thousand lies"—and by his then spouse Esmeralda Mitre—daughter of La Nación's late director—who casually compared the desaparecidos to Holocaust victims, as "they were not so many."6

This affair was not exceptional, but one of the latest in a long list of clashes around the historical meaning of political violence and State repression in recent Argentine history.7 This trend can be traced back to the dictatorship itself, which responded to international accusations of torture and executions by labeling them as forgeries made up by exiled left-wing extremists alongside the nation's foreign enemies.8 Such assertions rang hollow once information on clandestine detention centers, widespread abuse and death flights was revealed during a media exposé that accompanied the [End Page 154] dictatorship's downfall.9 However, tensions only escalated after democracy's return: president Raúl Alfonsín's promise to seek justice for the victims of atrocities manifested in the formation of the National Commission on the Disappearance of People (CONADEP)—which published an official report, Nunca Más—and the trial of the juntas, initiatives deemed by some as a revenge policy.10 The claims of Nunca Más were contested not only by those accused, but also by active Armed Forces personnel, institutions like the Military Circle and right-wing NGOs, with Relatives and Friends of Those Killed by Subversion (FAMUS) being the most outspoken. Besides vindicating all servicemen as heroes and replying to the narratives presented by human rights groups and survivors, they protested and lobbied to stop legal actions. It was not in vain, for the "Final Point" law approved in late 1986 established a deadline for filing cases. After an uprising by middle-ranking officers later known as "carapintadas" on Easter 1987, a "Due Obedience" bill—oriented to shielding NCOs—followed suit. Nonetheless, unrest would only be quenched after Carlos Menem—Alfonsín's successor—granted full pardons in 1990. The apologists' campaign did not subside though, with renewed homages to the fallen and the production of renewed counter-narratives.11 When Néstor Kirchner became president in 2003 and derogated his precursors' measures, characterizing himself as part of the "decimated generation," revisionists and apologists for the dictatorship were enraged and responded by founding a plethora of organizations and publishing titles that would become best sellers long...



中文翻译:

既不是六百万也不是三万:从“大屠杀修正主义”到“国家恐怖主义”的否认,阿根廷,1945年至2016年

代替摘要,这里是内容的简要摘录:

  • 既不是六百万也不是三万:从“大屠杀修正主义”到“国家恐怖主义”的否认,阿根廷,1945年至2016年
  • MatíasGrinchpun

简介:“不是很多”

2016年初,当时的布宜诺斯艾利斯市文化部长达里奥·洛佩菲多(DarioLopérfido)成为头条新闻,他声称“在阿根廷没有三万名失踪的绝望者”。1这一直言不讳的言论引发了争议,许多人认为这是试图将国家重组程序(Proceso deReorganizaciónNacional)实施的镇压计划的残酷性和程度降到最低(国家重组过程,1976–83年)。它并不孤单,因为这一主张也得到了武装部队辩护者的拥护,例如所谓的“恐怖分子”塞西莉亚·潘多的谴责者。尼古拉斯·马尔克斯(NicolásMárquez)等自称为“修正主义者”的人,以及恐怖主义及其受害者法律研究中心(CELTyV)的共同创始人维多利亚·维拉罗埃尔(Victoria Villaroel)。2个所有人都有着共同的精神,表现出自己是“历史真相”,“完全记忆”和“沉默的受害者”的捍卫者,以反对“官方的[End Page 153]谎言”,例如“理想主义的青年”和“灭绝种族的独裁统治”。3在某些人看来,洛佩尔菲多(Lopérido)不仅对“新否定主义”(neo-negationism)持嘲弄态度,而且表达了自商业大亨毛里西奥·马克里(Mauricio Macri)赢得2015年阿根廷总统大选以来控制国家政府的PRO的立场。当然,新政府的成员在1970年代对侵犯人权的态度比基什内尔政府表现出了更多的不屑一顾的态度。4这种立场与他们的一些支持者的期望相吻合,一家主要的保守报社发表了一篇社论,表明政府的更迭是中止“复仇”,抛弃过去,重新统一国家的宝贵机会。5虽然后来被撤职,Lopérfido被支持海关主席胡安-何塞·戈麦斯百夫长,对他们来说,“八千真理不等于22000谎言” -和由他的配偶,然后埃斯梅拉达米特女儿捞取的已故导演-随随便便把绝望者与大屠杀的受害者进行了比较,因为“他们并不多”。6

这件事并非罕见,但是阿根廷近期历史上关于政治暴力和国家镇压的历史含义的一长串冲突中的最新事件之一。7这种趋势可以追溯到独裁统治本身。独裁统治是对国际酷刑和死刑指控的回应,将其标记为由流亡的左翼极端分子与国家的外国敌人一起伪造的伪造品。8在伴随着[End Page 154]专政统治垮台的媒体曝光期间,有关秘密拘留中心,广泛的虐待和死亡飞行的信息一经披露,这种主张就空洞了。9但是,紧张局势只有在民主回归后才会升级:总统劳尔·阿方森(RaúlAlfonsín)承诺为暴行的受害者寻求正义,这体现在全国人民失踪委员会(CONADEP)的成立上,该委员会发表了一份正式报告《翁卡·马斯》(NuncaMás)和审判。在的省代表,倡议视为被一些人视为报复政策。10 NuncaMás的主张不仅受到被告的攻击,而且还受到现役军人,军事圈和右翼非政府组织等机构的挑战,其中最直言不讳的是亲戚和被颠覆杀害者之友(FAMUS)。除了证明所有军人都为英雄,并回应人权组织和幸存者的叙述外,他们还抗议并游说以停止法律诉讼。情况并非徒劳,因为1986年末批准的《最终点》法规定了提交案件的截止日期。在1987年复活节由中级军官起义(后来被称为“反叛者”)起义之后,针对屏蔽NCO的“正当服从”法案随之而来。但是,只有在1990年阿方森的继任者卡洛斯·梅内姆(Carlos Menem)宽恕了原谅之后,动乱才会被消除。11当内斯托尔·基希纳(NéstorKirchner)在2003年出任总统并贬低其前身的措施,使自己成为“沦落的一代”的一部分时,独裁者的修正主义者和辩护律师受到激怒并作出回应,成立了许多组织和出版刊物,这些著作将成为畅销书。长...

更新日期:2021-03-16
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