Reviewed by:

• Classicism and Christianity in Late Antique Latin Poetry by Philip Hardie
• Dennis Trout

Specialists in early imperial literature have discovered the treasures of late Latin poetry. Prominent among them is Philip Hardie, who has already published discerning essays on Prudentius and Paulinus of Nola. Perhaps it is unsurprising that scholars who have labored in the well-tilled fields of Augustan and post-Augustan poetry should migrate to fresher terrain. Hardie himself identifies "the relative youth of studies of late antique Latin poetry" as one of the discipline's defining features (3). That such emigrants to this new frontier should also bring along the tools that have proved so effective in rehabilitating Ovid, Lucan, and Statius is equally unremarkable. Nevertheless, it is an act of loyalty that thrusts them into the center of debates over the exceptionality of late Latin poetics. By championing critical principles honed on the poetry of Vergil and his successors, Classicism and Christianity takes its stand on the side of those who see the writing and reading practices of late Latin poets and their audience as fundamentally continuous with those of the classical past.

The first chapter of Classicism and Christianity ("Farewells and Returns: Ausonius and Paulinus of Nola") models Hardie's approach and, as he notes, introduces most of the book's themes and strategies. The poetic epistles exchanged by Ausonius and Paulinus have long been a favorite site for exploring the intersection of biography and literature in the later fourth century. Though less interested in lives than some scholars, Hardie like others spotlights the interplay with Vergil (especially the Eclogues) and Ovid (especially the exile poetry) that undergirds the textual maneuvers and emotional complexity of these letters. For Hardie, the "noise and clatter of classical poets" that animate these letter-poems (21) and the "patchwork of old intertexts" (19) that structures them are clear evidence that even the radically committed Christian poet (Paulinus) was licensed to deploy the "verbal resources and stylistic ornament" (43) of pre-Christian poetry in the service of Christian truth. Consequently, Hardie argues, content constitutes the primary difference between Late Antiquity's Christian and traditional Latin poetry and contrastimitation stands as a privileged technique by which Christian poets bridged content and form (e.g., 2 and 39). This position is not in itself new, of course, but Hardie [End Page 440] further argues that late antique Kontrastimitation is broadly continuous with the "emulative and agonistic practices of pre-Christian poetry" (8). In short, as the readings of this chapter are meant to illustrate, the critical methods developed in recent decades by scholars of early imperial poetry are appropriate and effective for assessing late ancient poetry, Christian and traditional alike.

There are, then, two ways of engaging Classicism and Christianity, as an assemblage of close readings and as an interpretative primer. Chapters 2–4 focus on late antique elaborations of themes and narrative ploys already present primarily in the works of Vergil. In these chapters Hardie foregrounds the late antique absorption, modification, and transvaluation of Vergilian narratives and ideologies of imperial renewal and exilic longing; the adaption and occasional subversion of the Aeneid's ruminations on cosmic and imperial order; and late Latin poetry's recapitulations of Vergil's emphasis upon the dialectic of concord and discord in perceptions of Roman history and identity formation. Claudian, Prudentius, Paulinus of Nola, and Rutilius Namatianus claim most of the spotlight but the poets of Biblical epic, centones, and carmina figurata, as well as Augustine, that shrewd reader of Vergil, edge in. Less linear argument than a run of soundings bringing to light the classical formations underlying late Latin poetry's political, religious, and aesthetic surfaces, these chapters also reaffirm the centrality of Vergil to the late antique consciousness. In the following two chapters this literary archaeology is brought to bear on topics that are often heralded (inappropriately in Hardie's view) as quintessentially late antique. Chapter 5, which includes an emblematic discussion of the intertextual tapestry that voices the De ave phoenice's program of...

审核人：

• 菲利普·哈迪（Philip Hardie）的晚期古董拉丁诗歌中的古典主义和基督教
• 丹尼斯·特劳特

早期帝国文学专家发现了晚期拉丁诗歌的宝藏。其中最著名的人物是菲利普·哈迪（Philip Hardie），他已经发表了有关诺拉的《保德勤特斯》和《保利努斯》的论文。在奥古斯都和奥古斯都后诗歌的高调领域里工作的学者应该迁移到更新鲜的地带，这也许不足为奇。哈迪本人认为“晚期拉丁诗歌研究的相对青年”是该学科的主要特征之一（3）。同样，向这个新领域的移民迁徙也应带来已经证明在恢复奥维德，卢坎和斯塔蒂乌斯方面非常有效的工具，这一点也同样微不足道。然而，这是一种忠诚的举动，使他们成为关于晚期拉丁诗学的特殊性的辩论的中心。古典主义和基督教在那些认为晚期拉丁诗人和他们的听众的写作和阅读实践与古典过去的文学从根本上是连续的人们的立场上站在一起。

古典主义和基督教的第一章（“永别与归来：诺拉的奥松纽斯和波利努斯”）模仿了哈迪的方法，正如他指出的那样，介绍了本书的大部分主题和策略。长期以来，由奥松纽斯和波利努斯交换的诗意书信一直是人们探索四世纪后期传记文学与文学相交的最爱之地。尽管对生命的兴趣不如某些学者，但哈迪和其他学者一样，也着重强调了与维吉尔的互动（尤其是《Eclogues》）和奥维德（尤其是流亡诗），这些文字突显了这些字母的文字手法和情感复杂性。对于哈迪来说，使这些字母诗充满生气的“古典诗人的噪音和拍击声”（21）和构成它们的“旧互文的拼凑而成”（19）是清楚的证据，即使是激进的基督教诗人（保利努斯）也获得了许可。运用基督教前诗歌的“语言资源和文体装饰”（43）为基督教真理服务。因此，哈迪认为，内容构成了上古晚期基督教与传统拉丁诗之间的主要区别，而对比模仿则是基督教诗人桥接内容和形式（例如2和39）的一种特权技术。当然，这个职位本身并不新鲜，进一步论证说，晚期的古董“ Kontrastimitation ”与“基督教前诗歌的喜怒无常的实践”在很大程度上是连续的（8）。简而言之，正如本章的内容所要说明的那样，早期帝国诗歌学者近几十年来发展起来的批判方法对于评估晚期基督教，传统诗歌和传统诗歌都是恰当而有效的。

因此，有两种吸引古典主义和基督教的方式，作为近距离阅读的集合和作为解释性的入门。第2章至第4章重点讨论了已在Vergil作品中首先出现的主题和叙事手法的后期古董阐述。在这些章节中，哈迪着重介绍了后期对维尔吉尔叙事以及帝国更新和流亡向往意识形态的古董吸收，修改和升值；在适应和偶尔颠覆伊尼伊德对宇宙和帝国秩序的反思；以及后期拉丁诗歌对维吉尔的重述，强调了对罗马历史和身份形成的理解中的和解与和解的辩证法。克劳狄，普顿，诺拉paulinus的，和Rutilius Namatianus要求最聚光灯，但圣经史诗诗人，centones和布兰figurata以及精通Vergil读者的奥古斯丁（Augustine）介入。与其说是一系列听起来不像线性的论点，不如说是揭示晚期拉丁诗歌的政治，宗教和审美表面的古典形态，这些章节也重申了Vergil在晚期的古董意识。在接下来的两章中，将这种文学考古学带入通常被认为是典型的晚期古董的话题（在哈迪看来是不恰当的）。第5章，包括对互文织锦的象征性讨论，表达了戴夫·菲尼克斯（De ave phoenice）的...