• Introduction:A Special Issue on Women and Gender
• Kirsten Fermaglich, Adam Mendelsohn, and Daniel Soyer

As we sit down to write this introduction on August 18, the nation is commemorating the 100^th anniversary of women's suffrage in the United States. Films, exhibitions, lectures, newspaper articles, and conferences throughout the country are telling the stories of white women's struggles to attain the vote in 1920 (including the stories of Jewish and gay women whose activism was central to those struggles), as well as the often-forgotten stories of Black, Native American, Asian American, and Latina women whose struggles to vote continued for decades afterwards. All the Democratic women in the House of Representatives attended the State of the Union address in February 2020 wearing white to commemorate suffrage activists' dress. President Donald Trump marked the anniversary by pardoning Susan B. Anthony for her conviction for voting in the election of 1872—a pardon that historians agreed would have infuriated Anthony.

This special issue of American Jewish History devoted to the subjects of women and gender was initially designed to commemorate this centenary. There have only been two special issues of AJH devoted to Jewish women: one in 1980, and then another in 1995. When we first considered creating this special issue in 2017, we assumed that we might offer some brief reflections on Jewish women's roles within the women's movement, while also showcasing new historical scholarship on Jewish women and gender.

Yet we find ourselves in a very different political moment from the one we imagined in 2017. The nation's celebrations of the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment are notably muted. To the credit of historians and the nation, the troubled history of the woman's suffrage movement—much of which acquiesced in the failure to enforce the Fifteenth Amendment and deserted women of color in their struggle to gain the vote—as well as the vocal racism and antisemitism of suffrage activists like Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, have figured prominently in this year's commemorations. Celebrations of women's suffrage now routinely acknowledge the racism that stained that victory.

The crises that have rocked the nation this summer—and indeed for the past four years—have muted celebrations of all kinds. The coronavirus pandemic that has killed over 175,000 Americans thus far, and infected millions more, has disrupted the daily functions of the nation, [End Page 163] complicating any sort of group activity. The health crisis has also exacerbated inequities relating to race, class, and gender, prompting national soul-searching. The mass protests against police brutality and systemic racism sparked by the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis on May 25, 2020, have roiled the nation, demanding fundamental change, accountability, and social justice in housing, policing, and healthcare, but also in journalism, the arts, and academia. The national mood is not one of celebration or commemoration, but instead of conflict, trauma, and protest.

And indeed, for at least the past four years, conflict, trauma, and protest have been hallmarks of national women's politics in the United States. Beginning with the leaked "Hollywood Access" tapes during the campaign of 2016, continuing with the popularization of the #MeToo movement in 2017 and then the dramatic Senate hearings of Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh in 2018, stories of sexual harassment and assault on women in places both privileged and marginalized have become part of the landscape of national media and politics. American Jewish communal life has experienced its own version of these processes, with revelations about sexual harassment by prominent Jewish men, particularly sociologist Steven M. Cohen and philanthropist Michael Steinhardt. Ongoing calls for accountability, justice, and fundamental change to systems of gender and racial hierarchy have radically shaped and changed our national landscape, and this communal world, in only a few short years.

In this context, our special issue on Jewish women and gender took on new meaning. We felt that we could not simply publish new literature on Jewish women and gender, with perhaps a brief salute to Jewish suffrage activists like Gertrude Weil and Maud Nathan, without engaging in broader reflection. Of course, as historians we always know that...

• 简介：关于妇女与性别的特刊
• 柯斯滕·费马格利奇（Kirsten Fermaglich），亚当·门德尔松（Adam Mendelsohn）和丹尼尔·索耶（Daniel Soyer）

当我们坐下来写于8月18日此介绍，国家正在纪念100^次美国妇女选举权周年纪念日。全国各地的电影，展览，演讲，报纸文章和会议都在讲述白人妇女为争取1920年的投票而奋斗的故事（包括犹太人和同性恋妇女的故事，她们的激进主义是这些斗争的核心），以及黑人，美国原住民，亚裔美国人和拉美裔妇女经常被人们遗忘的故事，其投票斗争持续了数十年。众议院的所有民主党妇女都穿着白色出席2020年2月的国情咨文，以纪念选举权活动家的着装。唐纳德·特朗普总统在纪念周年之际赦免了苏珊·B·安东尼（Susan B. Anthony）因在1872年选举中的投票而被定罪，这一赦免被历史学家认为会激怒安东尼。

这期《美国犹太史》专刊专门讨论妇女和性别问题，最初是为了纪念这一百年纪念而设计的。AJH仅针对犹太妇女出版了两期：一期于1980年，其后于1995年出版。当我们在2017年首次考虑发行这一期特刊时，我们假设我们可能会简要回顾一下犹太妇女在世界范围内的角色。妇女运动，同时也展示了有关犹太妇女和性别的新历史奖学金。

然而，我们发现自己处于与2017年所想象的政治时刻截然不同的政治时刻。该国庆祝《第十九条修正案》获得通过的庆祝活动明显被淡化了。历史学家的信用和国家，妇女的参政权运动，其中大部分的困扰历史中未能执行第十五条修正案默许和冷清色彩的女性在他们的斗争中获得投票以及声乐种族主义和伊丽莎白·卡迪·斯坦顿（Elizabeth Cady Stanton）和苏珊·安东尼（Susan B.Anthony）等选举权活动人士的反犹太主义在今年的纪念活动中占有重要地位。现在，妇女参政的庆祝活动通常都承认种族歧视是胜利的标志。

整个夏天（乃至过去四年）震惊了整个国家的危机使各种庆祝活动停滞不前。迄今为止，冠状病毒大流行已经杀死了175,000多名美国人，并感染了数百万人，这破坏了该国的日常生活，[End Page 163]使任何形式的小组活动复杂化。健康危机还加剧了与种族，阶级和性别有关的不平等现象，这促使人们进行全国性的灵魂搜索。2020年5月25日在明尼阿波利斯谋杀乔治·弗洛伊德（George Floyd）引发的针对警察暴行和系统种族主义的大规模抗议活动使整个国家陷入困境，要求在住房，治安和医疗保健以及新闻业方面进行根本性变革，实行问责制和社会公义，艺术和学术界。国民情绪不是庆祝或纪念活动之一，而是冲突，创伤和抗议。

实际上，至少在过去四年中，冲突，创伤和抗议一直是美国全国妇女政治的标志。首先是2016年竞选期间泄漏的“好莱坞通道”录像带，然后是2017年#MeToo运动的普及，然后是2018年最高法院大法官布雷特·卡瓦诺夫（Brett Kavanaugh）的参议院听证会，以及性骚扰和性侵犯妇女的故事。特权和边缘化的地方都已成为国家媒体和政治格局的一部分。美国犹太人的共同生活经历了这些过程的变体，有关著名犹太人，特别是社会学家史蒂文·科恩和慈善家迈克尔·斯坦哈特的性骚扰的启示。持续呼吁问责制，正义，

在这种情况下，我们关于犹太妇女和性别的特刊具有新的意义。我们认为，我们不能简单地发表有关犹太妇女和性别的新文献，也许不向更广泛的反思而向Gertrude Weil和Maud Nathan等犹太选举权活动家致以简短的敬意。当然，作为历史学家，我们始终都知道...