Reviewed by:

• Kugel and Frijoles: Latino Jews in the United States by Laura Limonic
• Amalia Ran (bio)

Recent scholarship on immigration stresses the various, often contradictory, ways in which processes of social integration, acculturation, [End Page 466] linguistic barriers and economic challenges shape individual and collective identities. The history of Jewish immigration to the Americas is well documented, beginning with sporadic and unorganized settlements of individual Jews in colonial Latin America following the Spanish Inquisition. During the modern era, Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe and Sephardic Jews from the declining Ottoman Empire arrived in growing waves of immigration due to socioeconomic and political unrest, as well as antisemitic persecutions in the Old World. Jewish immigrants were drawn to the United States by the principle of religious freedom inscribed in the US Constitution and by the hope of finding a tolerant society. From the 1960s onwards, new waves of Jewish immigration from the Southern Cone and Central America were drawn toward the northern neighbor on American shores. This historical context is at the core of Laura Limonic's research.

Kugel and Frijoles: Latino Jews in the United States explores the different ways in which Jewish immigrants from Latin America (mostly from Argentina, Venezuela and Mexico) navigate the different ethnic and racial landscapes upon arriving in the US, where 39.5% of world Jewry currently resides. The book focuses on the processes of group construction within US society and the formation of a panethnic identity as Latino Jews. According to the author, this is an interesting case study, since Jewish immigrants from Latin America are not clearly identified in the US racial and ethnic classification system and instead are commonly viewed as white; i.e. as privileged newcomers who quickly acquire the status of insiders, unlike non-Jewish Latino immigrants.

Limonic studies the in-between status of this group of immigrants: Although primarily classified as Jewish (i.e. white), in certain situations national identities overlap ethnic or religious identities as they correlate to fellow immigrants from their home countries. Moreover, a new panethnic identity emerges, as stated by the interviewees, as Latinos in the US, yet this social construct of Latin American identity is not embraced without conflict or doubt. Class, family status, prior social capital, and level of education are among the factors that determine their successful integration into the US and their affiliation with different groups.

The book opens by reviewing the history of Jewish immigration to Latin America and the formation of ethnoreligious identity as a minority group within the wider Catholic society in Argentina, Mexico and Venezuela. The following chapter shifts to focus on the formation of the Jewish community in the United States as a "majority minority," a privileged group accepted by the mainstream despite its relatively small size in comparison to other racial and ethnic migratory groups (21). The author then shifts to examine the difficulties associated with defining a [End Page 467] Latino panethnic identity in the US as a post-migratory construct, which constitutes a secondary or tertiary identity for Latin American Jews. The analysis of the various circles of identification in which Latin American Jews affiliate with fellow Jews, Latinos or compatriots highlights the fluidity and ambiguity of such ethnic membership in the United States. Furthermore, as indicated in Chapter six, various institutional, informal, social and religious networks provide Latino Jews support and cater to different individual and collective needs. Institutions such as the Jewish Latin Center in New York or the various synagogues, Jewish schools and community centers in Aventura, Florida, emphasize the relevance of geographical proximity and of an identified tangible place to express these affiliations.

This sociological research is based upon eighty-five in-depth interviews with Jewish immigrants from Latin America who settled in Southern Florida, New York and the Northeast, and California. It is based also on participant observations at Latino Jewish organizations and social events, conducted from 2010 to 2016, combined with quantitative data from the Pew Research Center's study on American Jews. By employing combined methodology, Limonic arrives at the following conclusions: Navigating...

审核人：

• Kugel和Frijoles： Laura Limonic在美国的拉丁裔犹太人
• 阿玛莉亚·兰（生物）

最近关于移民的奖学金强调了社会融合，适应的过程中常常是相互矛盾的各种方式，[结束第466页]语言障碍和经济挑战影响着个人和集体身份。犹太移民到美洲的历史已有充分的文献记载，首先是在西班牙宗教调查之后，散居在拉丁美洲殖民地的个别犹太人的零星和无组织的定居点。在现代时期，由于社会经济和政治动荡以及旧世界的反犹太人迫害，东欧的阿什肯纳兹犹太移民和奥斯曼帝国衰落的塞法第犹太人涌入了越来越多的移民浪潮。犹太移民被美国宪法所铭记的宗教自由原则以及希望找到一个宽容的社会吸引到美国。从1960年代开始，来自南锥体和中美洲的新一波犹太移民被吸引到美国海岸的北部邻居。这种历史背景是劳拉·利蒙尼奇（Laura Limonic）研究的核心。

Kugel和Frijoles：美国的拉丁裔犹太人探讨了拉丁美洲的犹太移民（主要来自阿根廷，委内瑞拉和墨西哥）在到达美国后在不同种族和种族环境中的不同浏览方式，目前全球39.5％的犹太人居住。该书着重介绍了美国社会内部群体建设的过程以及拉丁美洲裔犹太人身份的泛化身份的形成。根据作者的说法，这是一个有趣的案例研究，因为在美国的种族和族裔分类系统中并未明确识别出来自拉丁美洲的犹太移民，而通常将其视为白人。例如，作为特权新移民，他们迅速获得内部人员的身份，这与非犹太裔拉丁美洲移民不同。

Limonic研究了这批移民的中间状况：尽管主要被归类为犹太人（即白人），但在某些情况下，民族身份与种族或宗教身份重叠，因为它们与来自本国的同胞移民相关。而且，正如受访者所说，出现了一种新的泛滥身份，就像美国的拉美裔，但毫无冲突或怀疑地也没有接受这种拉丁美洲身份的社会建构。阶级，家庭状况，先前的社会资本和受教育程度是决定其成功融入美国以及与不同群体的隶属关系的因素。

该书首先回顾了犹太人向拉丁美洲移民的历史以及在阿根廷，墨西哥和委内瑞拉的更广泛的天主教社会中作为少数群体的民族宗教身份的形成。接下来的章节将重点放在美国犹太人社区的形成上，即“少数群体”，尽管与其他种族和族裔移民群体相比规模相对较小，但主流群体接受这一特权群体（21）。然后作者转向研究与定义[End Page 467]相关的困难。在美国，拉丁美洲人的泛希腊身份是一种迁移后的结构，对拉丁美洲的犹太人来说是第二或第三身份。对拉丁美洲犹太人与犹太人，拉丁美洲人或同胞同胞的身份认同圈的分析突显了这种种族身份在美国的流动性和含混性。此外，如第六章所述，各种制度，非正式，社会和宗教网络为拉丁裔犹太人提供支持，并满足不同的个人和集体需求。纽约的犹太拉丁中心或佛罗里达州阿文图拉的各种犹太教堂，犹太学校和社区中心等机构都强调地理位置的相关性和确定的有形场所来表达这些联系的重要性。

这项社会学研究基于对来自拉丁美洲的犹太移民的八十五次深度访谈，他们定居在佛罗里达州南部，纽约和东北部以及加利福尼亚州。该报告还基于2010年至2016年在拉丁美洲裔犹太人组织和社交活动中的参与者观察，并结合了皮尤研究中心对美国犹太人的研究得出的定量数据。通过采用组合方法，Limonic得出以下结论：导航...