During five years of US-sponsored Israeli–Palestinian peace talks (2009–2014), Israeli PM Netanyahu repeatedly demanded that Palestinians recognize Israel as a Jewish state as part of any final status agreement. Simultaneously, a chorus of Israeli political and military elites consistently challenged this negotiating posture as a threat to the state's very identity. What explains these competing positions on recognition's absence and necessity? Considerable attention in IR has recently focused on the lengths states go to correct acts of misrecognition, out of a genuine need for recognition, and the self-certainty recognition provides in a socially uncertain world. This structural and intrinsic model neglects, however, the powerful role agents can play in constructing, or avoiding, recognition conflict. Political considerations can cause recognition, and its absence, to matter more than it otherwise should, just as they can cause others to view recognition campaigns as vulnerable and ontologically harmful pursuits. This article proposes both an instrumental model of recognition and a theory on the recognition dilemma needed to explain these competing attitudes. In doing so, it shifts attention away from social structure, and relations, in order to take domestic processes seriously as a forum for both the construction and contestation of recognition politics.

中文翻译：

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承认困境：以巴冲突中的身份协商

在美国赞助的以巴和平谈判的五年中（2009-2014 年），以色列总理内塔尼亚胡一再要求巴勒斯坦人承认以色列是一个犹太国家，作为任何最终地位协议的一部分。同时，一群以色列政治和军事精英不断挑战这种谈判姿态，认为这是对国家身份的威胁。是什么解释了这些关于承认的缺席和必要性的竞争立场？国际关系中的相当大的关注最近集中在国家为了纠正错误识别行为的长度，出于对承认的真正需要，以及在社会不确定的世界中提供的自我确定性承认。然而，这种结构和内在的模型忽略了代理在构建或避免识别冲突中可以发挥的强大作用。政治考虑可能会导致认可及其缺席比其他情况更重要，就像它们可能导致其他人将认可运动视为易受攻击且在本体论上有害的追求一样。本文提出了一个识别工具模型和一个关于解释这些相互竞争的态度所需的识别困境的理论。在这样做的过程中，它把注意力从社会结构和关系上转移开，以便认真对待国内进程，作为承认政治的构建和争论的论坛。本文提出了一个识别工具模型和一个关于解释这些相互竞争的态度所需的识别困境的理论。在这样做的过程中，它把注意力从社会结构和关系上转移开，以便认真对待国内进程，作为承认政治的构建和争论的论坛。本文提出了一个识别工具模型和一个关于解释这些相互竞争的态度所需的识别困境的理论。在这样做的过程中，它把注意力从社会结构和关系上转移开，以便认真对待国内进程，作为承认政治的构建和争论的论坛。