The book The Asian Migrant’s Body: Emotion, Gender and Sexuality is an edited volume by Michiel Baas that aims to introduce a body‐centred perspective to the study of migrants and migration in order to understand how migrants relate to their bodies as a part of various migration technologies (Baas 2020, pp 8). Bringing an embodied perspective of migrant women allows the book to challenge common perceptions of migrants as victims of abuse. The major research questions that the various chapters of the volume focus on how Asian migrants experience, perceive and utilize their bodies in order to answer certain research questions. The important questions tackled in the volume are, ‘How do migrants self‐define their bodies? How do relationships to bodies change over time? How is the body both changed and marked by the various experiences of migration?’ Through studying the scale of the body, the contributors of the edited volume examine questions of embodiment, representation and subjectivities, which allow them to challenge the binaries of private versus public, subject versus object and representational versus embodiment paradigms.

The editor chose a wide variety of empirical cases to demonstrate the various relationships migrants develop with their bodies and how migrant embodiment challenges common perceptions regarding migrant experiences. A number of chapters examine the experiences of domestic workers, as they are often portrayed as victims whose labour is being exploited behind closed doors. Chapters in the book challenge the portrayal of domestic workers as victims by examining the embodiment of migrant domestic workers across a variety of spaces, such as Singapore and Lebanon. Pande’s chapter, ‘Body, Space and Migrant Ties: Migrant Domestic Workers and Embodied Resistance in Lebanon’, focuses on the experiences of migrant domestic workers living in Lebanon and the sexual and spatial ties they forge with each other in public spaces, such as ethnic churches, or private spaces, such as apartment balconies. By creating spatial and sexual ties in a variety of unique spaces, such as churches, migrants challenge the restrictions placed on their bodies by the state.

Platt, Yeoh, Khoo, Bacy and Lam’s chapter, ‘The Day Off Policy, “Reverse Domestication”, and Emotional Labour among Indonesian Domestic Workers in Singapore’, examines the experiences of Indonesian domestic workers in Singapore and the implementation of the new policy of a day off for workers. Singaporean laws regulating migrant domestic workers encourages employers to enact surveillance regimes over their workers, in order to ensure they maintain status as a ‘good’ domestic worker, that is not getting pregnant. However, domestic workers both incorporate and resist this process of domestication by employers through adopting certain behavioural patterns. Thus, employers in Singapore express concerns about the freedom that domestic workers can access through receiving a day off each week from work.

In addition to examining the experiences of domestic workers, a few chapters discuss the process of ageing for migrants, an often understudied component of migrant’s lives. Ong’s chapter, ‘Embodying the Good Migrant in Aging: Negotiating subjectivities through paid work’, connects the issues surrounding surveillance of migrant bodies to the ageing process. The chapter demonstrates that ideas valorizing paid employment after retirement are linked to the portrayal of Filipina migrants as modern‐day heroes who are empowered through working during their retirement years. Gambard’s chapter, ‘Proper Conjugation of Bodies: Chastity, Age and Care Work in Sri Lankan Migrants’ Families’, highlights the ways in which Sri Lankan women base their migration decisions upon their numerous responsibilities within their families throughout their life course, such as policing teenage girls’ sexuality and caring for elderly relatives. Thus, many women’s migrations decisions are dependent upon the needs of their larger family units.

One chapter in the book challenges the heteronormative lens that is often applied to women migrants, ‘Not a lesbian in Dubai, not gay in Tehran: Sexualities, Migrations and Social movements across the Gulf’. This chapter by Madhavi focuses on queer women migrants from Nepal and Iran who move to Dubai in order to depoliticize their sexual identities. Madhavi introduces the concept of intimate mobilities to describe the notion of migrating in order to explore one’s intimate self outside of a politicized identity. On the opposite end of the spectrum are the women beer sellers in South‐East Asia that Spitzer examines in the chapter, ‘Bodies at Work: Gendered Performance and Migrant Beer Sellers in Southeast Asia’. Young women selling beer throughout South‐East Asia are rural‐to‐urban migrants in search of economic opportunities. As beer sellers, young migrant women embody a gendered social order where men are in control of transgressing bodily boundaries. While young women craft an alluring appearance to attract men customers to buy beer, they are also subject to unwanted bodily touching by their men customers. Through touching beer sellers inappropriately, men reassert their gendered privilege and hegemony in everyday embodied practices.

The various empirical chapters accomplish Baas’ goal of demonstrating the need to interrogate the ways in which migrant bodies challenge common portrayals of migrant experiences, such as the portrayal of domestic workers as only victims of abuse without mention of the experiences of resistance these women create. Understanding the complexities of migration in Asia is an important scholarly topic to investigate within an edited volume, as increasing numbers of migrants move within regions, and particularly in Asia. By examining the scale of the body, migration scholars challenge a number of assumptions regarding women’s migration in the region and on a general scale.

While migrant men’s voices and bodies are not part of this project, Baas recognizes this as an important limitation of book that he addresses. He encourages more scholars to examine migrant men’s embodied experiences in order to fill that scholarship gap, as men’s embodied experiences will provide challenges to our common perceptions of men’s migratory experiences within Asia. Overall, the book provides numerous empirical examples of migrant women’s embodiment and the complex ways that embodiment shapes their migratory experiences, demonstrating the importance of providing empirical work on the scale of the body and how it relates to migrant experiences within their family trajectories, their surveillance by the state and their experiences of ageing. Scholars studying migration, gender, labour and ageing over the life course would benefit from reading this edited volume, as the various empirical chapters provide important insights into migrant women’s embodied and intimate experiences.

《亚洲移民的身体：情感，性别和性爱》一书是Michiel Baas编辑的一本书，旨在介绍以身体为中心的观点来研究移民和移民，以了解移民作为各种移民技术的一部分如何与自己的身体联系起来（Baas 2020，第8页）。赋予移民妇女以具体的观点，这本书就可以挑战人们对移民是虐待受害者的普遍观念。主要的研究问题是该书的各个章节都集中在亚洲移民如何体验，感知和利用他们的身体上，以回答某些研究问题。卷中解决的重要问题是：“移民如何自我定义自己的身体？与身体的关系会随着时间变化吗？身体如何被各种迁移经验所改变和标记？” 通过研究身体的大小，

编辑选择了各种各样的经验案例，以证明移民与他们的身体之间发展的各种关系，以及移民的身份体现如何挑战有关移民经验的共识。许多章节考察了家庭佣工的经历，因为他们经常被描绘成受害者，他们的劳动被秘密地利用。该书中的各章通过考察新加坡和黎巴嫩等不同地区的移民家庭佣工的表现来挑战家庭佣工作为受害者的刻画。潘德（Pande）的章节“身体，空间和移民纽带：黎巴嫩的移民家庭工人和受难的抵抗”着重介绍了居住在黎巴嫩的移民家庭工人的经历以及他们在公共场所（如种族）中建立的性和空间关系教堂，或私人空间，例如公寓阳台。通过在各种独特的空间（如教堂）中建立空间和性纽带，移民挑战了国家对身体施加的限制。

Platt，Yeoh，Khoo，Bacy和Lam的章节“休假政策，“反向家养”和新加坡印尼家政工人之间的情感劳动”探讨了印尼家政工人在新加坡的经历以及新政策的实施情况。工休一天。新加坡监管移徙家政工人的法律鼓励雇主对他们的工人制定监督制度，以确保他们保持未怀孕的“好”家政工人的身份。但是，家政工人通过采取某些行为方式，都融入并抵制了雇主的这种驯化过程。因此，新加坡的雇主对家政工人通过每周休假一天来获得自由表示担忧。

除了考察家庭工人的经历外，还有几章讨论了移民人口的老龄化过程，这是移民生活中经常被低估的组成部分。Ong的章节“让老龄化中的好移民：通过有偿工作进行主观性谈判”将围绕对移民尸体的监视问题与老龄化过程联系在一起。本章表明，退休后重视有偿就业的想法与菲律宾移民作为现代英雄的刻画联系在一起，他们是在退休年间通过工作获得能力的。甘巴尔德（Gambard）的章节“适当的身体交配：斯里兰卡移民家庭的贞操，年龄和照料工作”，着重强调了斯里兰卡妇女在其一生中，根据其在家庭中的众多职责来决定其移徙决定的方式，例如维护少女的性行为和照顾年长的亲戚。因此，许多妇女的移徙决定取决于其较大家庭单位的需要。

该书中的一章挑战了常用于女性移民的异类规范镜头：“迪拜不是女同性恋，德黑兰不是同性恋：整个海湾的性，移民和社会运动”。Madhavi撰写的这一章重点介绍了从尼泊尔和伊朗移居迪拜以使他们的性身份非政治化的同志女移民。Madhavi引入了亲密活动的概念来描述迁移的概念，以便在政治身份之外探索一个人的亲密自我。与此相对的是Spitzer在“工作中的机构：性别表现和东南亚的移民啤酒销售商”一章中研究的东南亚女性啤酒销售商。在整个东南亚销售啤酒的年轻女性是从农村到城市的移民，以寻求经济机会。作为啤酒销售商，年轻的移徙妇女体现了性别平等的社会秩序，其中男人控制着超越身体的界限。当年轻女性以诱人的外观吸引男性顾客购买啤酒时，男性顾客也会遭受不必要的身体接触。通过不恰当地与啤酒销售商接触，男人们在日常实践中重申了自己的性别特权和霸权。

各种经验性章节都实现了Baas的目标，即表明有必要审问移民机构挑战移民经历的常见描述的方式，例如将家政工人描述为仅是受虐的受害者，而没有提及这些妇女造成的抵抗经历。随着越来越多的移民在区域内（尤其是在亚洲）流动，了解亚洲移民的复杂性是一个重要的学术课题，需要进行大量编辑。通过研究人体的规模，移徙学者挑战了有关该地区总体上妇女移徙的多种假设。

尽管移徙者的声音和身体不属于该项目的一部分，但Baas认为这是他要解决的书本的重要局限。他鼓励更多的学者研究移民男性的具体经历，以填补这一奖学金方面的空白，因为男性的具体经历将对我们对亚洲男性迁移经历的普遍认识提出挑战。总体而言，这本书提供了许多实证研究实例，说明了移民妇女的外在表现以及体现外来移民塑造移民经验的复杂方式，表明了提供实物调查工作在身体规模上的重要性，以及在家庭轨迹，监视下如何与外来移民经验联系起来的重要性。由国家及其老龄化的经验。研究移民，性别，