In a sense, privacy is a medium, like air; we live within its embrace, to varying degrees, from our earliest days until our last. Its existence allows us to negotiate and contextualize our political and personal connections— in our relationship with the state as citizens, and with each other in our day-to-day dealings. It is a barrier that mediates the extent to which each of us is known or unknown to those around us. Moreover, like the air itself, we rarely see privacy, or its value, clearly. As Jerome observed, it takes a mountain view to confirm the existence of air, by providing a perspective that forces us to account for it. Similarly, statutes, judicial rulings, and technological and commercial innovations implicating privacy each allow us a perspective on the extent to which we actually control information about ourselves. Such are the benchmarks that Igo has selected to chart the shifting views of privacy in modern American life, and she has chosen wisely. At bottom, privacy for Igo is a vehicle for exploring the historical development of Americans’ sense of themselves vis-à-vis others. Though the full dimensions of privacy may remain elusive, she notes that “the same imprecision that vexes theorists [has] proved to be privacy’s true political value” over time (12). Her aim is to trace the way in which privacy has served as a “highly flexible container for social thought” (12), from elite society’s late nineteenth-century call for new legal rights to protect against intrusion by a public seeking to know through later efforts to curb invasive commercial marketing to the modern anxieties about the extent to which the government knows us. Igo chronicles the shifting attitudes toward privacy in the United States across the last dozen decades. She begins with the technological innovations in surveillance that led Warren and Brandeis to advocate in the pages of the Harvard Law Review for a “right to be let alone.” She then proceeds apace through the decades to the journalistic exposure of the behavioral marketing techniques of the 1960s, and, ultimately, the civil rights efforts of more recent years, aimed at making minorities of all kinds known to the public. Throughout, Igo gives due attention to U.S. Supreme Court decisions like Griswold v. Connecticut, which deemed the marital bedroom a constitutionally protected “zone of privacy,” and Katz v. United States, which extended the constitutional protection against governmental searches and seizures to all reasonable expectations of privacy. But, unlike other developments that she discusses, these cases were not simply emblematic of attitudinal changes about privacy; rather, they literally changed the rules. Legislative responses to perceived privacy intrusions,

中文翻译：

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已知公民：现代美国的隐私史

从某种意义上说，隐私是一种媒介，就像空气一样。从最早到最后，我们在不同程度上都生活在它的怀抱中。它的存在使我们能够就我们与公民的国家关系以及我们在日常交易中彼此之间的关系，就我们的政治和个人联系进行谈判并确定其背景。这是一个障碍，它调和了我们周围每个人对我们每个人的了解或不了解的程度。而且，就像空气本身一样，我们很少能清楚地看到隐私或其价值。正如杰罗姆（Jerome）所观察到的那样，通过提供迫使我们对其进行解释的视角，它可以从山上眺望来确认空气的存在。同样，法规，司法裁定以及牵涉隐私的技术和商业创新，都使我们对我们实际控制自身信息的程度有一个了解。这些都是Igo选择的基准，用于绘制现代美国人生活中不断变化的隐私观，她也明智地选择了这一基准。归根结底，伊戈（Igo）的隐私权是探索美国人对他人的自我意识的历史发展的一种手段。尽管隐私的所有方面可能仍然难以捉摸，但她指出，“随着时间的推移，证明纠缠理论家的同样不精确性已被证明是隐私的真正政治价值”（12）。她的目的是追溯精英社会在19世纪末提出的新的法律权利，以保护公众免遭后来者的侵扰，以此来保护隐私成为“高度灵活的社会思想容器”的方式（12）。努力将侵入式商业营销抑制到现代程度，以了解政府对我们的了解程度。在过去的几十年中，Igo记述了美国对隐私的不断转变的态度。她从监视技术创新入手，这促使沃伦和布兰代斯在《哈佛法律评论》的页面上倡导“不容侵犯的权利”。然后，她在数十年中迅速进入新闻界，揭露了1960年代的行为营销技术，并最终在最近几年的民权努力中努力使公众了解各种少数民族。在整个过程中，Igo都对美国最高法院的判决给予应有的关注，例如Griswold诉康涅狄格州一案，该判决将婚房视为受宪法保护的“隐私区”，Katz诉美国一案，从而将针对政府搜查和扣押的宪法保护范围扩大到所有合理的隐私期望。但是，与她所讨论的其他发展不同，这些案例并不仅仅是象征性地改变了隐私；而是在很大程度上改变了人们对隐私的态度。相反，他们从字面上改变了规则。对感知到的隐私入侵的立法回应，