In 1977, a bill to better enforce the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) sailed quickly through the House of Representatives. Facing a Senate filibuster, its proponents weakened the proposal—making it, according to historian Jefferson Cowie, “lean, moderate, and basically unchallenging to the corporate order.”1 Even in its attenuated state, however, the bill would have curbed the most flagrant violations of private-sector workers’ rights. Though this version reached the precipice of the supermajority necessary to invoke cloture, it ultimately fell two votes short. This article seeks to understand how antiunion activists defeated organized labor’s last big legislative opportunity to reverse its fortunes in the wake of deindustrialization and an onslaught of corporate attacks in the 1970s. Indeed, the right’s success in stymieing labor reform was decidedly momentous, especially because the law represented such a modest change. Kim Phillips-Fein has shown that a half a century of activism from market fundamentalist intellectuals and anti–New Deal businessmen paved the way for the formation of the Business Roundtable—a group of powerful CEO’s from Fortune 500 companies—and politicized other somnolent forces like the

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“强制工会主义”及其批评者：全国工作权利委员会、教师工会和 1978 年劳动法改革的失败

1977 年，一项旨在更好地执行《国家劳工关系法》(NLRA) 的法案迅速通过了众议院。面对参议院的阻挠议案，其支持者削弱了该提案——根据历史学家杰斐逊考伊的说法，使其“精益、温和，基本上对公司秩序没有挑战。”1 然而，即使在其弱化状态下，该法案也将遏制最多公然侵犯私营部门工人的权利。虽然这个版本达到了调用 cloture 所必需的绝对多数的悬崖，但它最终还是少了两票。本文旨在了解在 1970 年代去工业化和企业袭击之后，反工会活动家如何击败有组织的劳工组织的最后一次重大立法机会，以扭转其命运。确实，右翼在阻碍劳工改革方面取得的成功无疑是重大的，尤其是因为法律代表了如此温和的变化。Kim Phillips-Fein 表明，半个世纪以来，市场原教旨主义知识分子和反新政商人的激进主义为商业圆桌会议的形成铺平了道路——一群来自财富 500 强公司的强大 CEO——并将其他昏昏欲睡的力量政治化，例如这