In March 2003 (the eve of Iraq’s invasion) the George W. Bush Administration reissued, extended, and enforced a Directive prohibiting the publication and broadcast of images and videos capturing the ritual repatriation of America’s war dead. This Directive (known as the Dover Ban) is exemplary of a wider set of more subtle processes and practices of American statecraft working to move suffering and dead American soldiers out of the American public eye’s sight. This is due, I argue, to dominant (Government and Military) bodies knowing, valuing, and counting generic soldier material as but a “precious resource” with which to fuel the GWoT. However, my investigation into the (in)visibility of suffering and dead American soldiers since 9/11 reveals that subordinate yet challenging American bodies could not be stopped from knowing, valuing, and counting American soldiers differently—in life, injury, and death. Indeed, regarding American soldiers as grievable persons, the challenging actions discussed in this article demonstrate how Americans were moved to demand and take the right to count and account for soldiers’ suffering and deaths in public and the very face of dominant bodies that “don’t do body counts”.

中文翻译：

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悲伤，重视和不同看法：全球反恐战争在美国造成的损失

2003年3月（伊拉克入侵的前夕），乔治·W·布什政府重新发布，扩展和执行了一项指令，禁止发布和广播捕捉美国战死者被送回仪式的图像和视频。该指令（被称为“多佛禁令”）是美国治国方略广泛的一系列更微妙的过程和实践的典范，这些工作和实践致力于将受苦和死亡的美军士兵从美国公众视线范围内移开。我认为，这是由于占主导地位的（政府和军事）机构知道，重视并计算了普通士兵的材料，但它们只是为“ GWoT”提供动力的“宝贵资源”。但是，我对9/11以来遭受苦难和死亡的美军士兵（看不见）的调查表明，从属而富挑战性的美军无法阻止其了解，珍视，并以不同的方式计算美国士兵的生命，伤害和死亡。的确，将美军视为悲痛的人，本文讨论的具有挑战性的行动证明了美军是如何被迫要求，并有权计算和考虑士兵在公共场合所遭受的痛苦和死亡以及“不”的主导力量的真实面目。做身体计数”。