politics. Fairclough’s account of politics is mostly about men and mostly about voting, but he notes in passing that the Reverend Alfred Raford Blunt’s political power in the parish seemed to come from his influence on black female parishioners who threatened to divorce men who voted Democratic. As Kate Côté Gillin has shown in Shrill Hurrahs: Women, Gender, and Racial Violence in South Carolina, 1865–1900 (Columbia, S.C., 2013), African American women were crucial standard-bearers and enforcers of Republican Party discipline in South Carolina, though they could not vote. While I appreciated Fairclough’s mix of social and political history, and the careful multileveled account of parish, state, and national affairs, some avenues of the social history of Reconstruction could have used more exploration.

中文翻译：

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超越种族主义和贫困：路易斯安那州种植园和荷兰泥炭厂的卡车系统，1865-1920 年，Karin Lurvink

政治。费尔克拉夫对政治的描述主要是关于男性，主要是关于投票，但他顺便指出，阿尔弗雷德·拉福德·布朗特牧师在教区的政治权力似乎来自他对威胁要与投票给民主党的男性离婚的黑人女性教区居民的影响。正如 Kate Côté Gillin 在 Shrill Hurrahs: Women, Gender, and Racial Violence in South Carolina, 1865–1900 (Columbia, SC, 2013) 中所展示的那样，非裔美国女性是南卡罗来纳州共和党纪律的重要旗手和执行者，虽然他们不能投票。虽然我很欣赏费尔克拉夫对社会和政治历史的融合，以及对教区、州和国家事务的细致的多层次描述，但重建社会历史的一些途径本可以进行更多的探索。