Few inventions have been more intertwined, influential, or destructive than race and nation. European nation-states first emerged during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, in the same moment that Europeans devised the transatlantic slave trade. The concept of race followed soon thereafter. While some European and American theorists insisted that every national group contributed its own special gift to the world, others proclaimed that nation-states existed on a hierarchical scale dictated by racial inequalities. The latter group of theorists achieved widespread acceptance of their inseparable beliefs in racial and national domination. By the late nineteenth century, the scientific racism and militaristic nationalism birthed in the age of slavery became the foundation of an era of imperialism and Jim Crow. Millions of Westerners accepted that race was a biological fact, that nation-states should be racially homogeneous, and that national hierarchies were not only natural but also explainable by the unequal, inherent capacities of their male citizens. A different history was possible. Across the nineteenth-century Atlantic world, countless free and enslaved black people championed an inclusive and egalitarian idea of humanity and envisioned a postemancipation world made of multiracial, or even black, republics. Those women and men often associated freedom with full citizenship and asserted their belonging to the nation-states that their labor had built. They articulated hopes and expectations foregrounded inWhitney Nell Stewart and John GarrisonMarks’s Race and Nation in the Age of Emancipations. An edited collection of essays first presented at a symposium held at Rice University, Race and Nation in the Age of Emancipations offers a compelling, comparative assessment of black people’s understandings of race and nation during an age of emancipations stretching from the American, French, and Haitian Revolutions to the passage of Brazil’s “Golden Law.” Its ten essays from leading scholars are organized according to four themes: mobility and migration, law and legal status, labor and freedom, and race and the public sphere. Although spanning more than a century and addressing the black experience in mainland North America, the Caribbean, South America, and West Africa, the essays that compose Race and Nation in the Age of Emancipations offer a coherent narrative and illuminate through implicit comparison. As the editors write, the essays make the collective argument “that the Age of Emancipations represented a crucial moment in which people of African descent transformed the meaning of citizenship and national belonging” across the Atlantic world (p. 2). This fundamental point is made especially clear in Celso Thomas Castilho’s essay, “The Racial Terms of Citizenship: Abolition and Its Political Aftermath in Northeastern Brazil.” Focusing on public debates about and celebrations of abolition in the northern Brazilian city of Recife, Castilho demonstrates “how the mass interracial mobilizations that characterized Brazilian abolitionism also created new ideas about race and political belonging” (p. 184). He captures how 439 BOOK REVIEWS

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解放时代的种族和民族编辑。作者：惠特尼·内尔·斯图尔特和约翰·加里森·马克斯

很少有发明比种族和国家更相互交织、更有影响力或更具破坏性。欧洲民族国家最早出现在 15 和 16 世纪，与欧洲人设计跨大西洋奴隶贸易的同一时期。种族的概念紧随其后。虽然一些欧洲和美国理论家坚持认为每个民族群体都为世界贡献了自己的特殊礼物，但其他人则宣称民族国家存在于由种族不平等决定的等级范围内。后一组理论家广泛接受了他们对种族和国家统治不可分割的信念。到 19 世纪后期，在奴隶制时代诞生的科学种族主义和军国主义民族主义成为帝国主义和吉姆克劳时代的基础。数以百万计的西方人接受种族是一个生物学事实，民族国家应该是种族同质的，国家等级制度不仅是自然的，而且可以通过其男性公民不平等的内在能力来解释。不同的历史是可能的。在 19 世纪的大西洋世界，无数自由和被奴役的黑人拥护包容和平等的人类理念，并设想了一个由多种族甚至黑人共和国组成的解放后世界。这些妇女和男子常常将自由与完全的公民身份联系起来，并声称他们属于他们的劳动所建立的民族国家。他们表达了惠特尼·内尔·斯图尔特和约翰·加里森马克的《解放时代的种族和民族》中的希望和期望。首次在莱斯大学举行的一次研讨会上发表的经过编辑的论文集，解放时代的种族和民族提供了一个引人注目的、比较评估的黑人在解放时代对种族和民族的理解，包括美国、法国和海地革命对巴西“黄金法”的通过。其十篇来自顶尖学者的论文根据四个主题进行组织：流动性与移民、法律与法律地位、劳工与自由、种族与公共领域。尽管跨越一个多世纪并讨论了北美大陆、加勒比海、南美和西非的黑人经历，但撰写《解放时代的种族和民族》的文章提供了连贯的叙述，并通过隐含的比较进行了阐明。正如编辑所写，这些文章提出了集体论点“解放时代代表了非洲人后裔改变公民身份和民族归属感的意义的关键时刻”，横跨大西洋世界（第 2 页）。这一基本观点在塞尔索·托马斯·卡斯蒂略 (Celso Thomas Castilho) 的文章“公民身份的种族条款：巴西东北部的废除及其政治后果”中尤为明确。卡斯蒂略专注于巴西北部城市累西腓关于废除死刑的公开辩论和庆祝活动，展示了“以巴西废除死刑为特征的大规模跨种族动员如何也创造了关于种族和政治归属的新观念”（第 184 页）。他捕捉到了 439 条书评 这一基本观点在塞尔索·托马斯·卡斯蒂略 (Celso Thomas Castilho) 的文章“公民身份的种族条款：巴西东北部的废除及其政治后果”中尤为明确。卡斯蒂略专注于巴西北部城市累西腓关于废除死刑的公开辩论和庆祝活动，展示了“以巴西废除死刑为特征的大规模跨种族动员如何也创造了关于种族和政治归属的新观念”（第 184 页）。他捕捉到了 439 条书评 这一基本观点在塞尔索·托马斯·卡斯蒂略 (Celso Thomas Castilho) 的文章“公民身份的种族条款：巴西东北部的废除及其政治后果”中尤为明确。卡斯蒂略专注于巴西北部城市累西腓关于废除死刑的公开辩论和庆祝活动，展示了“以巴西废除死刑为特征的大规模跨种族动员如何也创造了关于种族和政治归属的新观念”（第 184 页）。他捕捉到了 439 条书评 卡斯蒂略展示了“以巴西废奴主义为特征的大规模跨种族动员如何也创造了关于种族和政治归属的新观念”（第 184 页）。他捕捉到了 439 条书评 卡斯蒂略展示了“以巴西废奴主义为特征的大规模跨种族动员如何也创造了关于种族和政治归属的新观念”（第 184 页）。他捕捉到了 439 条书评