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Introduction: Why Do We Need New Narratives for the History of the Federal Republic?
Central European History ( IF 0.520 ) Pub Date : 2019-03-01 , DOI: 10.1017/s0008938919000013
Frank Biess , Astrid M. Eckert

Observers of German current affairs and historians of contemporary Germany have long been cognizant of the shadow that the Nazi past and its crimes cast over postwar German history. Likewise, it has long been widely accepted as appropriate that the “old” Federal Republic would develop a political culture marked by reserve and modesty on the international stage and in its public representation—whatever seemed the opposite of the pomp, power, and ruthlessness of past German regimes. Whereas the prospect of unification in 1989-1990 still triggered concerns about the country's possible relapse into attitudes and behaviors worthy of a “fourth Reich ,” two decades later, Germans were treated to the news that theirs was “the most positively viewed nation in the world.” A few years later still, German Chancellor Angela Merkel found herself widely hailed as the “leader of the free world,” a phrase soaked in Cold War connotations and hitherto reserved for the president of the United States. Merkel probably had little desire for such a click-bait label; it was the world around her that had changed on the coattails of the global ascendancy of right-wing populism and authoritarianism, resulting, for example, in the British vote to leave the European Union (“Brexit”), the presidency of Donald Trump, and the attempt of the Polish government to do away with the separation of powers. With the strong showing of the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) party in the 2017 federal elections, this development had begun to affect domestic politics in Germany as well.

中文翻译:

引言:为什么我们需要新的联邦共和国历史叙事?

德国时事观察家和当代德国历史学家早就意识到纳粹过去及其罪行给战后德国历史投下的阴影。同样,长期以来人们普遍认为,“旧”的联邦共和国将在国际舞台上及其公众代表中发展一种以矜持和谦虚为标志的政治文化——无论是与盛况、权力和冷酷相反的一切。过去的德国政权。尽管 1989 年至 1990 年统一的前景仍然引发了对该国可能重新陷入与“第四帝国”相称的态度和行为的担忧,但 20 年后,德国人接受了这样的消息,即他们是“世界上最积极的国家”。世界。” 几年后依旧,德国总理安格拉·默克尔 (Angela Merkel) 发现自己被广泛誉为“自由世界的领导者”,这个词充满了冷战的内涵,迄今为止只留给美国总统使用。默克尔可能对这种“点击诱饵”标签并不感兴趣。正是她周围的世界随着右翼民粹主义和威权主义在全球的崛起而发生了变化,例如,导致英国公投脱欧(“脱欧”)、唐纳德特朗普的总统任期、以及波兰政府试图废除三权分立的企图。随着右翼德国选择党 (AfD) 在 2017 年联邦选举中的强势表现,这一发展也开始影响德国的国内政治。”这句话浸透了冷战的内涵,迄今为止只留给美国总统使用。默克尔可能对这种“点击诱饵”标签并不感兴趣。正是她周围的世界随着右翼民粹主义和威权主义在全球的崛起而发生了变化,例如,导致英国公投脱欧(“脱欧”)、唐纳德特朗普的总统任期、以及波兰政府试图废除三权分立的企图。随着右翼德国选择党 (AfD) 在 2017 年联邦选举中的强势表现,这一发展也开始影响德国的国内政治。”这句话浸透了冷战的内涵,迄今为止只留给美国总统使用。默克尔可能对这种“点击诱饵”标签并不感兴趣。正是她周围的世界随着右翼民粹主义和威权主义在全球的崛起而发生了变化,例如,导致英国公投脱欧(“脱欧”)、唐纳德特朗普的总统任期、以及波兰政府试图废除三权分立的企图。随着右翼德国选择党 (AfD) 在 2017 年联邦选举中的强势表现,这一发展也开始影响德国的国内政治。正是她周围的世界随着右翼民粹主义和威权主义在全球的崛起而发生了变化,例如,导致英国公投脱欧(“脱欧”)、唐纳德特朗普的总统任期、以及波兰政府试图废除三权分立的企图。随着右翼德国选择党 (AfD) 在 2017 年联邦选举中的强势表现,这一发展也开始影响德国的国内政治。正是她周围的世界随着右翼民粹主义和威权主义的全球崛起而发生了变化,例如,导致英国公投脱离欧盟(“英国退欧”)、唐纳德特朗普的总统任期、以及波兰政府试图废除三权分立的企图。随着右翼德国选择党 (AfD) 在 2017 年联邦选举中的强势表现,这一发展也开始影响德国的国内政治。
更新日期:2019-03-01
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