Malcolm Torry’sWhy We Need A Citizen’s Basic Income is a comprehensive and pragmatic examination of how an unconditional citizen’s basic income could be implemented and would function. As conversations and interest in a basic income expand, both opponents and supporters have used same words to mean different things. A lack of common vocabulary obfuscates basic income as a concept and policy. Torry begins his book with clearly defined and explained terminology. This vocabulary helps to ground Torry’s chapters and arguments. While much of the book focuses on issues of feasibility and implementation, the first chapters outline the benefits of a basic income. One such benefit is the flexibility that a basic income would allow individuals and families to better copewith the precarity of the current economic system. Torrywrites that the current system of means-tested benefits often leaves individuals in a poverty trap because, “means-tested benefits are withdrawn as earned income rises” (p. 42). Torry also posits a basic income as a sort of Occam’s Razor, both in terms of its administration and flexibility. Means-tested benefits are difficult to administer and require extensive bureaucracy. The time and costs of this administration is not insignificant, and Torry points out that a basic income “would be radically simple to administer” (p. 79). Changes in the economy, society and employment are and will be constant, but are not wholly predictable, which begs the question of how to create a system can address ever changing social and economic needs. Torry advocates for a basic income as a tool that is “[suitable] to a wide variety of employment and market patterns” and “incentivizes economic activity and provides as many choices as possible” (p. 47). Chapter seven importantly focuses on issues of feasibility across dimensions of financial, psychological, administrative, behavioral, political and policy processes. Torry discusses the conjunctive nature of these feasibilities, which is of practical importance to any basic income advocate. As Torry writes, the order in which feasibilities are addressed will be hugely impactful to if and how a basic income policy is implemented. In creating policy to address these feasibilities, those in favor cannot compromise on the fundamental aspects of a basic income. Torry importantly reminds that “commitment to unconditionality and nonwithdrawability ... will be essential” (p. 107). In chapter eight, Torry lays out several options for implementation of a basic income. Torrywrites, “while all that we require for a debate about a Citizen’s Basic Income to be realistic is one viable route from the current situation to the payment of a Citizen’s Basic Income” (p. 122) and he presents uswith five implementation options. A basic income could (1) be implemented all in one go, abolishing means-tested benefits, (2) be implemented all in one go, retaining means-tested benefits, (3) gradually rolled out, (4) start with volunteers, or (5)introduce a very small basic income with agreement that it will rise slowly overtime. These options are especially helpful to those writing basic income policy, and Torry notes the benefits and challenges of each. In linking back to chapter seven Torry also discusses issues of feasibility, and the potential importance of a gradual roll-out. After finishing the book, the reader may ask themselves ‘should basic income be thought of as a social policy or an economic policy?’. The simple answer is that a basic income functions as both. Throughout the book Torry is able to advocate for a basic income as a tool to address issues of income inequality, gender inequality, houselessness, among other problems, and as a tool to strengthen economies. Torry provides important examples regarding how this framing might impact how individuals and nations think about feasibility and implementation of a basic income. Torry ultimately seems to focus on the economic benefit of a basic income stating

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马尔科姆·托里 (Malcolm Torry) 的《为什么我们需要公民的基本收入》评论

马尔科姆·托里 (Malcolm Torry) 的《为什么我们需要公民基本收入》(Why We Need A Citizen's Basic Income) 是对无条件公民基本收入如何实施和运作的全面而务实的研究。随着对基本收入的讨论和兴趣的扩大，反对者和支持者都使用相同的词来表示不同的东西。缺乏通用词汇使基本收入作为一个概念和政策变得模糊不清。托里以明确定义和解释的术语开始他的书。这些词汇有助于为托里的章节和论点奠定基础。虽然本书的大部分内容都集中在可行性和实施问题上，但前几章概述了基本收入的好处。其中一个好处是基本收入可以让个人和家庭更好地应对当前经济体系的不稳定。Torry 写道，当前的经济状况调查福利制度常常使个人陷入贫困陷阱，因为“随着收入增加，经济状况调查福利会被取消”（第 42 页）。托里还将基本收入视为一种奥卡姆剃刀，无论是在管理还是灵活性方面。经经济状况调查的福利难以管理，需要大量官僚作风。本届政府的时间和成本并非微不足道，托里指出，基本收入“管理起来非常简单”（第 79 页）。经济、社会和就业的变化是并且将是恒定的，但不是完全可以预测的，这就引出了如何创建一个可以满足不断变化的社会和经济需求的系统的问题。托里主张将基本收入作为“[适合] 各种就业和市场模式”和“激励经济活动并提供尽可能多的选择”的工具（第 47 页）。第七章重点关注财务、心理、行政、行为、政治和政策过程等方面的可行性问题。Torry 讨论了这些可行性的联合性质，这对任何基本收入倡导者都具有实际重要性。正如托里所写，解决可行性的顺序将对是否以及如何实施基本收入政策产生巨大影响。在制定解决这些可行性的政策时，赞成者不能在基本收入的基本方面妥协。托里重要地提醒“对无条件和不可撤销性的承诺...... 将是必不可少的”（第 107 页）。在第八章中，托里列出了实施基本收入的几种选择。Torry 写道，“虽然我们所需要的关于公民基本收入的辩论是现实的，只是从当前情况到支付公民基本收入的一条可行途径”（第 122 页），他为我们提供了五个实施方案。基本收入可以（1）一次性实施，取消经济状况调查福利，（2）一次性实施，保留经济调查福利，（3）逐步推出，（4）从志愿者开始，或者（5）引入一个非常小的基本收入，并同意它会随着时间的推移缓慢增加。这些选项对制定基本收入政策的人特别有帮助，托里指出了每个选项的好处和挑战。在链接回第七章时，托里还讨论了可行性问题以及逐步推出的潜在重要性。读完本书后，读者可能会问自己“应该将基本收入视为一项社会政策还是一项经济政策？”。简单的答案是基本收入兼具两者的功能。在整本书中，托里都能够倡导将基本收入作为解决收入不平等、性别不平等、无家可归等问题的工具，以及作为加强经济的工具。托里提供了关于这种框架如何影响个人和国家如何考虑基本收入的可行性和实施的重要例子。托里最终似乎专注于基本收入的经济利益，陈述 读完本书后，读者可能会问自己“应该将基本收入视为一项社会政策还是一项经济政策？”。简单的答案是基本收入兼具两者的功能。在整本书中，托里都能够倡导将基本收入作为解决收入不平等、性别不平等、无家可归等问题的工具，以及作为加强经济的工具。托里提供了关于这种框架如何影响个人和国家如何考虑基本收入的可行性和实施的重要例子。托里最终似乎专注于基本收入的经济利益，陈述 读完本书后，读者可能会问自己“应该将基本收入视为一项社会政策还是一项经济政策？”。简单的答案是基本收入兼具两者的功能。在整本书中，托里都能够倡导将基本收入作为解决收入不平等、性别不平等、无家可归等问题的工具，以及作为加强经济的工具。托里提供了关于这种框架如何影响个人和国家如何考虑基本收入的可行性和实施的重要例子。托里最终似乎专注于基本收入的经济利益，陈述 在整本书中，托里都能够倡导将基本收入作为解决收入不平等、性别不平等、无家可归等问题的工具，以及作为加强经济的工具。托里提供了关于这种框架如何影响个人和国家如何考虑基本收入的可行性和实施的重要例子。托里最终似乎专注于基本收入的经济利益，陈述 在整本书中，托里都能够倡导将基本收入作为解决收入不平等、性别不平等、无家可归等问题的工具，以及作为加强经济的工具。托里提供了关于这种框架如何影响个人和国家如何考虑基本收入的可行性和实施的重要例子。托里最终似乎专注于基本收入的经济利益，陈述