47: “Visual evidence of a wound or a scar” may have been at play in Lysias 3 and Demosthenes 54? 51: “If we had access to a greater range of Isaeus’ speeches, we might find visual arguments similar to the ones in Lysias and Demosthenes”: of course, that is a possibility, but it is striking that such arguments are not used in any of the preserved inheritance speeches of these three authors. 59: “litigants could have tempered their instinct with knowledge based on their observation of earlier trials”: again, this is possible, but the reference to Bers here indicates that this applies primarily to professional speakers. Whether amateur litigants had the luxury of observing trials is another matter entirely. In the following paragraph, public figures may well have risked “unusual gestures” in a way that amateurs will have avoided, but what made a gesture unusual? Kleon’s performances (60) were doubtless exceptional. As O’Connell concludes (61), we have very few concrete examples of gestures in Athenian oratory, which may justify his own vagueness but nevertheless is indicative of the fact that this chapter in general makes a great deal out of very little evidence. 103 (and cf. 14–5, 121): “Since all cases in Athens required hundreds of jurors” is not actually true (e.g., homicide trials and the fifty-one ephetai).

中文翻译：

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塞琉古帝国的国王与篡位者：将成为国王的人 by Boris Chrubasik

47：“伤口或疤痕的视觉证据”可能在 Lysias 3 和 Demosthenes 54 中发挥作用？51：“如果我们能接触到更广泛的以撒乌斯的演讲，我们可能会发现类似于 Lysias 和 Demosthenes 的视觉论证”：当然，这是一种可能性，但令人惊讶的是，这些论证并未用于这三位作者的任何保存的继承演讲。59：“诉讼当事人可以根据他们对早期审判的观察，用知识来缓和他们的本能”：同样，这是可能的，但这里对 Bers 的引用表明这主要适用于专业演讲者。业余诉讼当事人是否有幸观察审判则完全是另一回事。在下面的段落中，公众人物很可能以业余爱好者会避免的方式冒着“不寻常的姿态”的风险，但是是什么让手势变得不寻常呢？Kleon 的表现 (60) 无疑是非凡的。正如 O'Connell 总结的那样 (61)，我们在雅典演说中几乎没有具体的手势例子，这可能证明他自己的含糊不清，但仍然表明这一章总体上从很少的证据中得出了很多结论。103（和cf. 14-5, 121）：“因为雅典的所有案件都需要数百名陪审员”实际上并不正确（例如，凶杀案审判和五十一个ephetai）。