Abstract:The agricultural crisis that began in the 1970s hastened population loss and prompted the closing of schools, banks, churches, and other institutions across western Kansas and eastern Colorado. Farmers protested these changes through activism in the American Agriculture Movement (AAM), Women Involved in Farm Economics (WIFE), and through paramilitary groups like Posse Comitatus. These and other “neopopulists” employed the symbolism of tractors, unlocked farm houses, and violent inner cities to build a sense of unified rural identity. Protestors from both states played a leading role in the “tractorcades” to Washington, DC, in 1978 and 1979, and in the militia movement of the following decade. Typically disdainful of feminism, civil rights, and the antiwar movement, farm activists ironically borrowed leftist tactics of mass demonstration and extremist rhetoric, even to the point of self-identifying as oppressed minorities. Though unsuccessful in shaping new farm policy, they lent a new, aggressive face to modern conservatism, and thereby merit historians’ consideration through the same lenses that have enhanced their understanding of other marginalized groups.

中文翻译：

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农村少数民族的愤怒：科罗拉多州和堪萨斯州的高原农场危机和农民激进主义

摘要：始于 1970 年代的农业危机加速了人口流失，并促使堪萨斯州西部和科罗拉多州东部的学校、银行、教堂和其他机构关闭。农民通过美国农业运动 (AAM) 中的激进主义、参与农业经济的妇女 (WIFE) 以及 Posse Comitatus 等准军事团体来抗议这些变化。这些和其他“新民粹主义者”利用拖拉机、未上锁的农舍和暴力的内城的象征意义来建立统一的农村认同感。来自这两个州的抗议者在 1978 年和 1979 年前往华盛顿特区的“拖拉机”以及随后十年的民兵运动中发挥了主导作用。通常蔑视女权主义、民权和反战运动，具有讽刺意味的是，农业活动家借用了左派的大规模示威和极端主义言论的策略，甚至将自我认定为受压迫的少数民族。尽管未能成功制定新的农业政策，但他们为现代保守主义赋予了新的、激进的面孔，因此值得历史学家通过增强他们对其他边缘化群体理解的相同视角来考虑。