King’s thought-provoking paper raises a number of important issues regarding the archaeological record of banditry and rebellion. I will focus my remarks on a particular aspect of the challenges raised by the paper, namely the matter of topography and how close familiarity with it enabled renegades to engage in ‘asymmetrical’ forms of resistance against colonial powers. In King’s discussion, she focused on the reliance by South African herders on habitual refuges in the Maloti– Drakensberg highlands to evade the imposition of sedentary lifestyles by British authorities. In my research a similar dynamic concerns a reliance on the rugged coast of Rough Cilicia by the so-called Cilician pirates to resist Roman hegemony in the Mediterranean world between 139 and 67 B.C. Parallels between the two landscapes are evident, as are the highly mobile lifeways of the rebels in each instance. One of the more challenging questions for the Cilician example, however, concerns the precise role played by agropastoralists of the Cilician mainland in piratical disturbances along the coast. Were the pirates and the Cilician natives one and the same people, or did they represent a merger of interests between two wholly unrelated yet mutually supportive groups? Much like the Maloti–Drakensberg highlands, the rugged, 200-kilometre-long coast of Rough Cilicia (south coastal Turkey directly north of Cyprus) offered limited capacity for agricultural settlement. The shore rises from sea level to 2,000 metres elevation in less than 30 kilometres, with long stretches of the shore forming prohibitive walls of inaccessible coastline. Prior to the Roman era (67 B.C.–250 A.D.) the principal lifeway in Rough Cilicia consisted of transhumant agropastoralism. Remains of necropolis centers in the ‘midlands’ (c.500–900 metres elevation) indicate that tribal entities drove their herds into the highland meadows (c.1,500 metres elevation) during summer and returned them to the shore for slaughter, processing and winter grazing (Matei, Kansa and Rauh 2011). During their time in the highlands the animals would obtain four times the nutrients otherwise available on their trek. These midland ritual centres occupied a halfway point along the arduous route that was traversed twice a year and became logical places for herders to settle the sick and the infirm (Frachetti 2009). Confirmation of this pattern is available not only from the consistent placement of these ritual centres along the midlands, but also from an otherwise visible lack of permanent stone structures throughout the region prior to the conquest of Alexander the Great (c.333 B.C.). From the perspective of built landscapes, the most dominant influence was the Ptolemies of Egypt and Cyprus, who governed this rugged coast from c.301 to 197 B.C., securing the shore with stone-constructed fortresses and signal towers (the largest being the fortress at Korakesion – modern-day Alanya – constructed by Ptolemy I, c.309 B.C.; Rauh, Dillon and Rothaus 2013). Settlements which did exist at this time, such as Korakesion, were small, and often little more than moorages furnished by projecting promontories, natural embayments or lagunal river mouths. It needs to be stressed that the nature of ancient Mediterranean seaborne commerce, nonetheless, required negotiating this prohibitive coastline. Although ancient cargo ships were suitably capable of plying the open seas of the Mediterranean, the requirements

中文翻译：

---

沿海高地，海洋和社会边缘的持不同政见者的行为

金的发人深省的论文提出了有关盗匪和叛乱的考古记录的许多重要问题。我将把重点放在论文提出的挑战的一个特定方面，即地形问题，以及对地形的密切了解使叛徒能够以“非对称”形式抵抗殖民势力。在金的讨论中，她集中讨论了南非牧民对马洛蒂-德拉肯斯伯格高地的惯常避难所的依赖，以逃避英国当局强加久坐的生活方式。在我的研究中，一个类似的动态问题涉及所谓的西里西亚海盗依赖崎ili的西里西亚崎coast海岸，以抵抗公元前139年至67年之间的地中海世界中的罗马霸权，这两种景观之间的相似之处显而易见，以及叛乱分子在各个情况下的高度灵活的生活方式。然而，对于西里西亚人来说，更具挑战性的问题之一是，西里西亚大陆的农牧民在沿海海盗干扰中所起的确切作用。海盗和西里安土著人是同一个人，还是代表两个完全不相关但相互支持的群体之间的利益合并？与Maloti-Drakensberg高地很像，崎C的Rough Cilicia海岸长200公里（位于塞浦路斯北部的土耳其南部沿海地区），农业定居的能力有限。海岸从海平面上升到不到30公里的2,000米高度，漫长的海岸形成了无法进入的海岸线的禁止性墙。罗马时代之前（公元前67-250年 ）刺睫毛虫（Rilic Cilicia）的主要生活方式包括超人类的农牧业。“中部地区”（海拔约500-900米）中的大墓地中心遗迹表明，部落实体在夏季将他们的牛群驱赶到高地草甸（海拔约1,500米），并将其放回岸上进行屠杀，加工和冬季放牧（Matei，Kansa和Rauh，2011年）。在高原期间，动物将获得四倍于其跋涉可获得的营养。这些中部的仪式中心沿每年两次穿越的艰苦路线占据了一半，成为牧民安置病者和体弱者的合理场所（Frachetti 2009）。不仅可以通过这些仪式中心在中部地区的一致放置来确认这种模式，但是在征服亚历山大大帝（约公元前333年）之前，整个地区还缺乏永久性的石头结构。从建筑景观的角度来看，最主要的影响力是埃及和塞浦路斯的托勒密人，他们统治着大约从公元前301年至前197年这块崎coast的海岸，并用石头建造的堡垒和信号塔固定了海岸（最大的堡垒是埃塞俄比亚的堡垒Korakesion –现代的阿拉尼亚–由托勒密一世建造，约公元前309年； Rauh，Dillon和Rothaus，2013年）。当时确实存在的定居点，例如Korakesion，规模很小，而且通常只不过是由凸出的海角，自然屏障或泻河河口所提供的系泊设备。需要强调的是，尽管如此，古代地中海海上贸易的性质 要求谈判这个禁止的海岸线。尽管古老的货轮有能力在地中海的公海中航行，但要求