Many studies have shown that syntagmatic and paradigmatic aspects of morphological structure may have an impact on the phonetic realisation of complex words (e.g. Cohen 2014a,b; Kuperman et al. 2007; Lee-Kim et al. 2013; Lõo et al. 2018; Plag et al. 2017; Schuppler et al. 2012; Smith et al. 2012; Sproat and Fujimura 1993; Zimmermann 2016, among many others). The majority of these studies have been concerned with affixes, often focusing on the acoustic properties of segments at a morphological boundary. The present study extends this line of investigation to compounds, exploring the extent to which consonant duration at compound-internal boundaries in English is dependent on morphological structure. Three competing hypotheses about the relationship between fine phonetic detail and morphological structure are tested. According to the Segmentability Hypothesis, greater morphological segmentability, i.e. a stronger morphological boundary, leads to acoustic lengthening (Ben Hedia and Plag 2017; Hay 2003; Plag and Ben Hedia 2018). The Informativity Hypothesis, on the other hand, states that higher informativity leads to lengthening (e.g. Jurafsky et al. 2001; van Son and Pols 2003). Finally, the Paradigmatic Support Hypothesis says that stronger paradigmatic support leads to lengthening (Cohen 2014b; Kuperman et al. 2007). To test these hypotheses, an experimental study was carried out using 62 compound types taken from the British National Corpus. The compounds were spoken by 30 speakers, yielding more than 1500 acoustic tokens overall. The data provide no support for the Segmentability Hypothesis, and only limited support for the Informativity Hypothesis. In contrast, the Paradigmatic Support Hypothesis makes correct predictions: consonant duration at compound-internal boundaries is positively correlated with the probability of the relevant consonant following the first noun, and the duration of compound-internal geminate consonants is negatively correlated with the family size of the first noun. In other words, longer durations are associated with lower paradigmatic diversity.

许多研究表明，形态结构的句法和范式方面可能会对复杂单词的语音实现产生影响（例如，Cohen 2014a，b； Kuperman等人，2007； Lee-Kim等人，2013； L 2018o等人； 2018； Plag等（2017）; Schuppler等（2012）; Smith等（2012）; Sproat和Fujimura（1993）; Zimmermann（2016）等）。这些研究中的大多数都与词缀有关，通常集中在形态边界处的片段的声学特性上。本研究将这一研究范围扩展到复合词，探讨英语中复合词内部边界的辅音持续时间在多大程度上取决于词素结构。测试了关于精细语音细节和形态结构之间关系的三个相互竞争的假设。根据可分割性假设，更大的形态可分割性（即更强的形态边界）导致声音加长（Ben Hedia和Plag，2017； Hay，2003； Plag和Ben，Hedia，2018）。另一方面，信息学说则指出，更高的信息学率会导致信息的延长（例如Jurafsky等，2001； van Son和Pols，2003）。最后，范式支持假说说，更强的范式支持会导致加长（Cohen 2014b； Kuperman等人，2007）。为了检验这些假设，使用了来自英国国家语料库的62种化合物类型进行了实验研究。这些化合物由30位说话者讲，总共产生1500多个声学标记。数据不提供对可分割性假设的支持，而仅提供对信息性假设的有限支持。相比之下，范式支持假设做出正确的预测：复合内部边界上的辅音持续时间与第一个名词之后相关辅音的概率成正相关，复合内部双辅音辅音的持续时间与第一个名词的家庭大小成负相关。第一个名词。换句话说，较长的持续时间与较低的范式多样性相关联。