the tension at the heart of the argument, with its insistence that goodness, truth and beauty occupy the goal of human striving, the end to which democratic charisma aims. There is, it turns out, a monarchy of ideas in that the transcendentals occupy an authoritative place, and this presumably also finds expression in political ideologies and modes of government that preserve their pre-eminence. The tension here with democratic liberalism needs to be brought to the surface. Cannot the horizontality of democratic charisma be held in check only in the context of hierarchies both political and metaphysical? This is not a point Lloyd sufficiently draws out: ‘hierarchical mediation’ and ‘authoritarianism’ are not clearly delineated, despite that tension being implicit in the stories of Moses, Atticus Finch and Martin Luther King Jr. While hierarchical mediation in ideas and political practice may be a necessary condition for authoritarianism, it is also essential to any polity committed to fostering democratic charisma. Proposals in virtue ethics always imply a metaphysic and an enabling polity, and Lloyd’s argument may be more compelling if both were further acknowledged and explored. Lloyd writes with flair and his proposals are beguiling. My efforts to probe possible weaknesses answer the challenge implicit in their boldness, and in so responding I affirm the value of the book as a stimulating provocation. It is hard to disagree with the conclusion that democratic charisma is preferable to authoritarian, given the way the binary is set up. But there is a need to interrogate and challenge further the binary itself. Beyond this, In Defense of Charisma may serve as an invitation to other political theologians to develop accounts of charisma that begin with the way the God of the Bible combines both the charisma of a monarch and the wild democratising charismata of the Holy Spirit, while not neglecting the fact that Christ’s messianic charisma was not authoritarian or democratic in any simple sense.

中文翻译：

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书评：艾伦·奥特·马歇尔，基督教伦理导论：冲突、信仰和人类生活

争论核心的张力，坚持善良、真理和美丽占据了人类奋斗的目标，这是民主魅力的目标。事实证明，存在一种思想君主制，因为先验者占据了权威地位，这大概也体现在保持其卓越地位的政治意识形态和政府模式中。这里与民主自由主义的紧张关系需要浮出水面。难道不能仅在政治和形而上学的等级制度背景下才能控制民主魅力的横向性吗？这不是劳埃德充分指出的一点：“等级调解”和“威权主义”没有明确界定，尽管摩西、阿蒂克斯·芬奇和马丁·路德·金的故事中隐含着这种张力。虽然思想和政治实践中的等级调解可能是威权主义的必要条件，但对于任何致力于培养民主魅力的政体来说也是必不可少的。美德伦理学中的提议总是意味着一种形而上学和一种有利的政体，如果进一步承认和探索这两者，劳埃德的论点可能会更有说服力。劳埃德的写​​作才华横溢，他的建议令人着迷。我努力探索可能存在的弱点，回答了他们大胆中隐含的挑战，在这样的回应中，我肯定了这本书作为刺激性挑衅的价值。考虑到二元机制的建立方式，民主魅力优于专制的结论很难让人不同意。但是有必要进一步询问和挑战二进制本身。超出此，