This paper will discuss the rise of authoritarian tendencies in the political systems of Kosovo, Macedonia, Montenegro and Serbia. In all four countries, certain parties and political elites have become entrenched in the political system, and have been able to enhance their grip on power, often beyond, and in some cases through, constitutional frameworks. It will discuss how forms of state capture have enabled political elites to position themselves in a situation in which they not only control the political decisionmaking institutions, but also exercise excessive influence on the economic and social systems of these systems in transitional states. By extending their networks of patronage, limiting political access for opponents, and holding strong control over media and the judiciary, these elites have been able to develop semi-authoritarian systems, which utilise democratic elections to confirm their long-term dominance, veiling them in a veneer of legitimacy. This rise of electoral authoritarianism – and in turn illiberal democracy – is not only linked to the political actions of certain parties and elites, but also results from the political, social and economic changes that the countries under investigation have faced in recent years. What is more, the so-called transformative power of EU integration has failed to hinder or deter the rise of these new authoritarian regimes. The paper will progress in three main steps: In the first part, a theoretical framework will be introduced, by focusing on theories of democratization and authoritarian back-sliding. In the second part, the four countries under investigation will be discussed in more detail, to highlight why there has been an increase in authoritarian practices across these four countries. This section will also discuss how these authoritarian tendencies play out in practice and how they have been undermining the consolidation of liberal democracy. Finally, in the conclusion it will be discussed what the European Union (EU) and other actors could do in order to support those forces that focus on democratic governance in these countries, and make the accession process truly transformative.

中文翻译：

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科索沃、马其顿、黑山和塞尔维亚的国家俘获业务和威权主义的兴起

本文将讨论科索沃、马其顿、黑山和塞尔维亚政治体系中威权主义倾向的兴起。在所有四个国家中，某些政党和政治精英已经在政治体系中根深蒂固，并且能够加强对权力的控制，通常是超越宪法框架，在某些情况下是通过宪法框架。它将讨论国家俘获的形式如何使政治精英能够将自己定位在这样一种情况下，即他们不仅控制政治决策机构，而且对过渡国家中这些系统的经济和社会系统施加过度影响。通过扩大他们的赞助网络，限制反对者的政治准入，并对媒体和司法机构进行强有力的控制，这些精英已经能够发展出半专制制度，利用民主选举来确认他们的长期统治地位，将他们蒙上合法性的外衣。这种选举威权主义的兴起——反过来又是非自由民主——不仅与某些政党和精英的政治行动有关，而且是受调查国家近年来面临的政治、社会和经济变化的结果。更重要的是，所谓欧盟一体化的变革力量未能阻止或阻止这些新的专制政权的崛起。本文将分三个主要步骤进行：第一部分将介绍一个理论框架，重点介绍民主化和威权倒退的理论。在第二部分，将更详细地讨论被调查的四个国家，以强调为什么这四个国家的威权做法有所增加。本节还将讨论这些威权倾向如何在实践中发挥作用，以及它们如何破坏自由民主的巩固。最后，在结论中将讨论欧盟 (EU) 和其他参与者可以做些什么来支持这些国家专注于民主治理的力量，并使加入过程真正具有变革性。本节还将讨论这些威权倾向如何在实践中发挥作用，以及它们如何破坏自由民主的巩固。最后，在结论中将讨论欧盟 (EU) 和其他参与者可以做些什么来支持这些国家专注于民主治理的力量，并使加入过程真正具有变革性。本节还将讨论这些威权倾向如何在实践中发挥作用，以及它们如何破坏自由民主的巩固。最后，在结论中将讨论欧盟 (EU) 和其他参与者可以做些什么来支持这些国家专注于民主治理的力量，并使加入过程真正具有变革性。