What stands between individuals and their freedom to build futures where no one is enslaved, subjected or exploited by powerful individuals, groups, forms of organisation, elites, class divisions, faiths or states? Is there hope for educational strategies in a contemporary scene pervaded by discourses where truth, the stock-in-trade of education, is replaced by ‘post-truth’, which deals in undermining knowledge and reason? A century after the publication of Democracy and Education, in which Dewey argued for the mutually dependent relationship linking a legitimate education system and a thriving democracy, many would argue that democracy and education have been decoupled, and that both have been diminished and devalued as a result (Labaree, 2011; Schostak and Goodson, 2012). If, as some have argued, we are living in a ‘post-democratic’ society (Crouch, 2004), where expertise is deployed to address social and economic problems, and where governance is a matter of rational-technical management, then the political, as a choice to be made between visions of society, is no more. As Fukuyama (2006) argued, following the fall of the Berlin Wall (9 November 1989), we have seen the ‘end of history’ – that is, the end of the great battles between political ideologies. All that remains, the

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重新思考民主与教育：资本主义再生产或写未来诗歌的替代选择？

在个人与他们建立未来的自由之间存在着什么，而没有一个人被强大的个人，集团，组织形式，精英，阶级分裂，信仰或国家所奴役，屈服或剥削？在一个充满了话语的当代场景中，是否存在着一种教育策略的希望，在这种话语中，真理，教育的存货被“后真理”所取代，后者破坏了知识和理性？在《民主与教育》发表后的一个世纪，杜威主张建立将合法教育体系与繁荣的民主联系在一起的相互依存的关系，许多人认为民主与教育已脱钩，并且两者都被削弱和贬值。结果（Labaree，2011; Schostak and Goodson，2012）。如某些人所说，如果 我们生活在一个“后民主”社会（克鲁什，2004年），在该社会中，专业知识被用来解决社会和经济问题，而治理是理性技术管理的问题，然后是政治的选择。在社会愿景之间，不再是。正如福山（Fukuyama，2006年）所论证的那样，在柏林墙倒塌（1989年11月9日）之后，我们已经看到了“历史的终结”，即政治意识形态之间的巨大斗争的终结。剩下的一切，政治意识形态之间的伟大斗争的终结。剩下的一切，政治意识形态之间的伟大斗争的终结。剩下的一切，