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Devolution and Parliamentary Representation: The Case of the Scotland and Wales Bill, 1976-7
Parliamentary History ( IF 0.1 ) Pub Date : 2018-06-01 , DOI: 10.1111/1750-0206.12365
Adam Evans 1
Affiliation  

For as long as devolution has been debated in the UK, there has been fierce discussion as to the representation of the would‐be affected areas at Westminster. That this has been the case is a consequence of Westminster's dual remit as both a state‐wide and a sub‐state legislature. While this dual remit was relatively straightforward when applied to all nations of the UK, it does, however, raise serious questions about the equality of MPs at Westminster in the face of asymmetric devolution that would carve out parliament's remit in some, but not all, parts of the UK. These questions bedevilled Gladstone's Irish Home Rule Bills in the late 19th century and have been a recurrent feature of debate following New Labour's devolution programme in the late 1990s, culminating in the adoption of a system of ‘English Votes for English Laws’ by the house of commons in October 2015. This article looks at this issue through the lens of the ill‐fated Scotland and Wales Bill introduced by the Callaghan government in 1976. It explores the roots of the bill and how, and why, the idea of referring the question of territorial representation, post‐devolution, to a Speaker's conference, came to secure the initial support of cabinet as the best answer to this problem, and why the government swiftly changed its mind. Parliamentary statecraft considerations served to push a Speaker's conference onto the institutional agenda, before ultimately dooming it to failure.

中文翻译:

权力下放和议会代表:苏格兰和威尔士法案的案例,1976-7

自从在英国就权力下放进行辩论以来,就一直在激烈讨论威斯敏斯特可能受影响的地区的代表权。这种情况是威斯敏斯特作为全州和次州立法机构双重职责的结果。虽然这种双重职权在适用于英国所有国家时相对简单,但它确实提出了严重的问题,即威斯敏斯特国会议员在面对不对称权力下放时的平等性,这将在某些但不是全部中划出议会的职权范围,英国的部分地区。这些问题在 19 世纪后期困扰着格拉德斯通的爱尔兰自治法案,并且在 1990 年代后期新工党的权力下放计划之后一直是辩论的一个反复出现的特征,最终导致下议院于 2015 年 10 月采用了“英国法律的英国投票”制度。 本文通过卡拉汉政府于 1976 年推出的命运多舛的苏格兰和威尔士法案来审视这个问题。它探讨了该法案的根源,以及如何以及为什么将领土代表权、权力下放后问题提交议长会议的想法获得内阁的最初支持,作为解决这个问题的最佳答案,以及为什么政府迅速改变了主意。议会对治国方略的考虑有助于将议长会议推上制度议程,但最终注定要失败。本文从卡拉汉政府于 1976 年提出的命运多舛的苏格兰和威尔士法案的角度来看待这个问题。它探讨了该法案的根源以及如何以及为什么提出领土代表问题的想法, - 权力下放,在一次议长会议上,获得了内阁的初步支持,这是解决这个问题的最佳答案,也是政府为何迅速改变主意的原因。议会对治国方略的考虑有助于将议长会议推上制度议程,但最终注定要失败。本文从卡拉汉政府于 1976 年提出的命运多舛的苏格兰和威尔士法案的角度来看待这个问题。它探讨了该法案的根源以及如何以及为什么提出领土代表问题的想法, - 权力下放,在一次议长会议上,获得了内阁的初步支持,这是解决这个问题的最佳答案,也是政府为何迅速改变主意的原因。议会对治国方略的考虑有助于将议长会议推上制度议程,但最终注定要失败。来确保内阁的最初支持是解决这个问题的最佳答案,以及为什么政府会迅速改变主意。议会对治国方略的考虑有助于将议长会议推上制度议程,但最终注定要失败。来确保内阁的最初支持是解决这个问题的最佳答案,以及为什么政府会迅速改变主意。议会对治国方略的考虑有助于将议长会议推上制度议程,但最终注定要失败。
更新日期:2018-06-01
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