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Layers of (un)boundedness: The aspectual–quantificational interplay of quantifiers and partitive case in Finnish object arguments
Linguistics ( IF 0.966 ) Pub Date : 2020-05-26 , DOI: 10.1515/ling-2020-0084
Tuomas Huumo 1
Affiliation  

Abstract I present an account of the interplay between quantifiers and the partitive–accusative case alternation in Finnish object marking, with special reference to the aspectual and quantificational semantics of the clause. The case alternation expresses two oppositions (in affirmative clauses): (a) bounded (accusative) vs. unbounded (partitive) quantity, (b) culminating (accusative) vs. non-culminating (partitive) aspect. The quantifiers analyzed are of two main types: (i) mass quantifiers (e. g., paljon ‘a lot of’, vähän ‘(a) little’), which quantify a mass expressed by a mass noun or a plural form, (ii) number quantifiers (e. g., moni ‘many’, usea ‘a number of’), which quantify a multiplicity of discrete entities expressed by a count noun in the singular or plural. Finnish mass quantifiers only quantify nominals in the partitive, while number quantifiers agree with the quantified nominal in number and case and are used throughout the case paradigm. With a mass quantifier, the partitive form of the quantified nominal expresses unbounded quantity, which the quantifier then renders bounded (quantized). This is why object phrases with mass quantifiers behave like accusative objects: they express a bounded quantity together with culminating aspect. Number quantifiers quantify both accusative and partitive objects, in the singular and plural. Such objects are able to express aspect and quantity at two levels: (i) that of the individual component events which concern one entity each; (ii) that of the higher-order event which concerns the whole quantity expressed. I argue that the case marking of the object relates primarily to level (i), while the meaning of the number quantifier relates to level (ii). This is why a number quantifier typically renders the quantity bounded and the aspect culminating at level (ii), even when the partitive case expresses unboundedness or lack of culmination at level (i).

中文翻译:

(无)界层:芬兰语对象论证中量词和量词的方面-数量之间的相互作用

摘要我介绍了芬兰语对象标记中量词与部分宾格式交替的相互作用,并特别提及了该条款的方面和定量语义。案例交替表达了两个反对意见(在肯定条款中):( a)有界(指称)数量与无界(有指称)数量,(b)最终(指称)与非最终(指称)方面。分析的量词有两种主要类型:(i)质量量词(例如,paljon'很多',vähän'(a)小'),用于量化由质量名词或复数形式表示的质量,(ii)数字量词(例如moni'many',使用'a number of'),用于量化由计数名词以单数或复数形式表示的多个离散实体。芬兰量词仅量化名词性名词中的名词,数字量词在数量和大小写上与量化的标称值一致,并在整个案例范式中使用。使用质量量化器,量化标称的局部形式表示无限制的数量,然后量化器将其变为有界(量化)。这就是为什么带有质量量词的宾语短语表现得像宾语宾语的原因:它们表达出有限的数量以及最终的方面。数字量词以单数和复数形式对宾语和宾语进行量化。这样的对象能够在两个层次上表达方面和数量:(i)每个涉及一个实体的单独事件的方面和数量;(ii)与所表达的全部数量有关的高阶事件的事件。我认为对象的大小写标记主要与(i)级相关,而数字量词的含义与(ii)级有关。这就是为什么数字量词通常会在(ii)级别呈现有界数量和方面达到顶点的原因,即使在特殊情况表示在(i)级别达到无极限或没有顶点的情况下也是如此。
更新日期:2020-05-26
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